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Debate on the bill for prohibiting the exportation of corn.

Debate on a seditious paper.

Debate on incorporating the new-raised men into the standing regiments.

Debate on taking the state of the army into consideration.

Debate respecting officers on half-pay.

Debate on an address for papers relating to admiral Haddock.

Debate regarding the departure of the French and Spanish squadrons.

Debate on addressing his majesty for the removal of sir R. Walpole.

Debate on cleansing the city of Westminster.

Debate on the bill to prevent inconveniencies arising from the insurance of ships.

Debate on the bill for the encouragement and increase of seamen.

Debate on the bill for the punishment of mutiny and desertion.

Debate on addressing the king.

Debate on supporting the queen of Hungary.

Debate on choosing a speaker.

Debate on the address.

PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS TO THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.

The government of this country has long and justly been considered the best among the nations of Europe; and the English people have ever evinced a proportionate desire for information in its proceedings. But in the earlier days of our constitution, we shall find that much jealousy on the part of our rulers debarred the people from access to the national deliberations. Queen Elizabeth, with a sagacity that derived no assurance from the precedents of former times, foresaw the mighty power of the press, as an engine applied to state purposes, and accordingly aroused the spirit of her subjects, by causing the first gazettes to be published in the year of the armada : and D'Ewes's journals of her parliaments contain the earliest reports of parliamentary debates.

The first volume of the commons' journals comprises the debates from the accession of James the first, to the cessation of parliaments under Charles the first. The publication, in 1766, of a member's notes, furnished authentic debates of the session in 1621. Rushworth, in his voluminous collections, presents us with many of the debates during the civil wars. Gray's more regular debates succeeded. From these, until the times that followed the glorious revolution in 1688, we have no reports of parliamentary proceedings, interesting as they must have been, on which we can place any more reliance, than on those of Dr. Johnson, which, we shall presently see, cannot pretend to the character of faithful reports, however deservedly eminent they are as eloquent and energetic compositions. But the revolution was not immediately followed by a liberal diffusion of parliamentary intelligence, for the newspapers of William's reign only give occasionally a detached speech. That sovereign scarcely allowed liberty of speech to the members of parliament themselves, and was fully as tyrannical in disposition as his predecessor on the throne; but, happily for the English nation, he was tied and bound by the strong fetters of law.

The stormy period that ensued on William's death, is somewhat illustrated by Boyer's POLITICAL STATE. The HISTORICAL REGISTERS which appeared on the accession of George the first, may be considered as more faithful depositories of political information than Boyer's partial publication. The spirited opposition to sir Robert Walpole excited an unprecedented anxiety in the nation to learn the internal proceedings of parliament. This wish on the part of constituents to know and scrutinize the conduct of their representatives, which to us appears so reasonable a claim, was regarded in a different light by our ancestors. But the frown of authority in the reign of George the second began to have less power to alarm a people whose minds were undergoing progressive illumination. A general desire was then loudly expressed for parliamentary information, which Cave sought to gratify by the insertion of the debates in the GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE. The jealousy of the houses, however, subjected that indefatigable man to the practices of stratagem for the accomplishment of his design. He held the office of inspector of franks in the postoffice, which brought him into contact with the officers of both houses of parliament, and afforded him frequent and ready access to many of the members. Cave, availing himself of this advantage, frequented the houses when any debate of public interest was expected, and, along with a friend, posted himself in the gallery of the house of commons, and in some retired station in that of the lords, where, unobserved, they took notes of the several speeches. These notes were afterwards arranged and expanded by Guthrie, the historian, then in the employment of Cave, and presented to the public, monthly, in the Gentleman's Magazine. They first appeared in July, 1736 , and were perused with the greatest eagerness. But it was soon intimated to Cave, that the speaker was offended with this freedom, which he regarded in the light of a breach of privilege, and would subject Cave, unless he desisted, to parliamentary censure, or perhaps punishment. To escape this, and likewise to avoid an abridgment of his magazine, Cave had recourse to the following artifice. He opened his magazine for June, 1738, with an article entitled, "Debates in the senate of Magna Lilliputia;" in which he artfully deplores the prohibition that forbids him to present his readers with the consultations of their own representatives, and expresses a hope that they will accept, as a substitute, those of that country which Gulliver had so lately rendered illustrious, and which untimely death had prevented that enterprising traveller from publishing himself. Under this fiction he continued to publish the debates of the British parliament, hiding the names of persons and places by the transposition of letters, in the way of anagram. These he contrived to explain to his readers, by annexing to his volume for 1738, feigned proposals for printing a work, to be called Anagrammata Rediviva. This list, and others from different years, we give in the present edition, though we have rejected the barbarous jargon from the speeches themselves. A contemporary publication, the LONDON MAGAZINE, feigned to give the debates of the Roman senate, and adapted Roman titles to the several speakers. This expedient, as well as Cave's contrivance, sufficed to protect its ingenious authors from parliamentary resentment; as the resolution of the commons was never enforced.

The debates contained in the following volumes, commence with the 19th November, 1740, and terminate with the 23d February, 1742-3. The animated attempts that were made to remove sir Robert Walpole from administration, seemed, in Cave's opinion, to call for an abler reporter than Guthrie. Johnson was selected for the task; and his execution of it may well justify the admiration which we have so often avowed for those wonderful powers of mind, which, apparently, bade defiance to all impediments of external fortune.

He was only thirty-two years of age, little acquainted with the world; had never, perhaps, been in either house, and certainly had never conversed with the men whose style and sentiments he took upon himself to imitate. But so well and skilfully did he assume, not merely the sedate and stately dignity of the lords, and the undaunted freedom of the commons, but also the tone of the respective parties, that the public imagined they recognised the individual manner of the different speakers. Voltaire, and other foreigners of distinction, compared British with Greek and Roman eloquence; and ludicrous instances are detailed by Johnson's biographers, of praises awarded to Pulteney or to Pitt, in the presence of the unsuspected author of the orations which had excited such regard ! For Johnson confessed, that he composed many of the speeches entirely from his own imagination, and all of them from very scanty materials.

This confession he undoubtedly made from his love of truth, and not for the gratification of vanity. When he heard that Smollett was preparing his History of England, he warned him against relying on the debates as authentic; and, on his death-bed, he professed that the recollection of having been engaged in an imposture was painful to him. That this was a refined scrupulosity the most rigid moralist must allow; but, nevertheless, it is matter for congratulation, that the liberality of parliament no longer subjects its reporters to the subterfuges which we have thus briefly attempted to describe. And a comparison of this age and its privileges with the restrictions of former times, may not be without its use, if, by reminding us that we were not always free, it teaches us political contentment, suggests to us the policy of moderation, and enables us to love liberty, and yet be wise.

OXFORD, NOVEMBER, 1825.

Abingdon, Ld. ... Adonbing or Plefdrahn Ambrose, Captain ... Ambreso Archer ... Arech Argyle, Duke of ... Agryl Arthur ... Aruth Anne ... Nuna Aston ... Anots Aylesford, Lord ... Alysfrop Baltimore, Lord ... Blatirome Barnard, Sir John ... Branard Barrington ... Birrongtan Bath, Earl of ... Baht Bathurst, Lord ... Brustath Bedford, Duke of ... Befdort Berkeley, Lord ... Berelky Bishop ... Flamen Bladen, Mr. ... Bledna Bootle, Mr. ... Butul Bowles, Mr. ... Bewlos Bristol, Lord ... Broslit Bromley, Mr. ... Bormlye Brown, Mr. ... Brewon or Buron Burleigh ... Bruleigh Burrell, Mr. ... Berrull Campbell ... Campobell Carew, Mr. ... Cawar Carlisle, Earl of ... Carsilel Carteret, Lord ... Quadrert Castres, Mons ... Cahstrehs Cavendish ... Candevish Charles ... Chorlo Chesterfield, Earl of ... Castroflet Cholmondeley, Earl of ... Sholmlug Churchill ... Chillchurch Clutterbuck, Mr. ... Cluckerbutt Cocks ... Cosck Coke, Mr. ... Quoke Cooke ... Coeko Cooper, Mr. ... Quepur Corbet, Mr. ... Croteb Cornwall, Mr. ... Carnwoll Cromwell ... Clewmro Danes ... Danians Danvers ... Dranevs Delawarr, Lord ... Devarlar Devonshire, Duke of ... Dovenshire Digby ... Dibgy Drake, Mr. ... Dekra Earle, Mr. ... Eral Edmund ... Emdond Edward ... Eddraw Elizabeth ... Ezila Erskine, Mr. ... Eserkin Eugene, Prince ... Eunege Falconberg, Lord ... Flacnobrug Falkland ... Flakland Fanshaw, Mr. ... Fashnaw Fazakerly ... Fakazerly Fenwick, Mr. ... Finweck Ferrol ... Ferlor Fox, Mr. ... Feaux Francis ... Farncis or Friscan Gage, Lord ... Gega George ... Gorgenti Gibbon, Mr. ... Gibnob Gloucester, Duke of ... Glustre Godolphin, Lord ... Golphindo Gore ... Gero Gower, Lord ... Gewor Grenville, Mr. ... Grevillen Gybbon, Mr. ... Gybnob Halifax, Lord ... Haxilaf Haddock, Admiral ... Hockadd Handasyd, Mr. ... Hasandyd Harding, Mr. ... Hadringe Hardwick, Lord ... Hickrad Harrington ... Hargrinton Hay, Mr. ... Heagh Heathcote ... Whethtoc Henry ... Hynrec Herbert ... Hertreb Hervey, Lord ... Heryef Hessian ... Hyessean Hind Cotton ... Whind Cotnot Hindford ... Honfryd Hinton ... Hwenton Hobart ... Hobrat Holdernesse, Lord ... Hodrelness Hooper ... Horeop Hosier, Admiral ... Hozeri Howe ... Hewo Islay, Lord ... Yasli Isham ... Ishma Ilchester ... Itchletser James ... Jacomo Jekyl ... Jelyco Jenkins ... Jenkino John ... Juan Joseph ... Josippo Keene, Mr. ... Knee Ledbury, Mr. ... Lebdury Lindsay ... Lisnayd Litchneld ... Liftchield Lockwood ... Lodowock Lombe ... Lebom Lonsdale, Lord ... Lodsneal Lovel ... Levol Lymerick, Lord ... Lyromick Lyttleton ... Lettyltno Marlborough, Duke of ... Maurolburgh Malton, Lord ... Matlon Manley ... Manly Mary ... Marya Montrose, Duke of ... Morontosse Mordaunt ... Madrount Morton ... Motron Newcastle, Duke of ... Nardac secretary Noel ... Neol Norris, Admiral ... Nisror Nugent ... Netgun Ogle, Admiral ... Oleg Onslow ... Olswon Orange ... Organe Ord, Mr. ... Whord Orford, Earl of ... Orfrod Orleans ... Olreans Ormond, Duke of ... Omrond Oxford, Earl of ... Odfrox Oxenden ... Odnexen Paxton ... Pantox Pelham, Mr. ... Plemahm Perry ... Peerur Peterborough ... Petraborauch Pitt, Mr. ... Ptit Plumer, Mr. ... Plurom Polwarth ... Polgarth Portland, Duke of ... Poldrand Powlett ... Powltet or Pletow Pretender ... Rednetrep Puffendorf ... Pudenfforf Pulteney ... Pulnub Quarendon ... Quenardon Rainsford ... Rainsfrod Ramelies ... Ramles Raymond ... Ramonyd Robert ... Retrob Rochester ... Roffen Saint Aubyn ... St. Aybun Salisbury ... Sumra Samuel ... Salvem Sandwich, Earl of ... Swandich Sandys, Mr. ... Snadsy Scarborough, Lord ... Sarkbrugh Scroop, Mr. ... Screop Sidney, Lord ... Sedyin Selwin, Mr. ... Slenwy Shaftsbury, Lord ... Shyftasbrug Shippen, Mr. ... Skeiphen Sloper ... Slerop Somers ... Sosrem Somerset ... Sosermet Southwell ... Suthewoll Strafford ... Stordraff Stair ... Stari Stanislaus ... Stasinlaus Sundon ... Snodun Talbot ... Toblat Thomas ... Tsahom Thomson, Mr. ... Thosmon Tracey ... Tryace Trenchard ... Trachnerd Trevor, Mr. ... Tervor Turner ... Truron Tweedale, Marquis of ... Tewelade Tyrconnel, Lord ... Trinocleng Vernon, Admiral ... Venron Vyner, Mr. ... Vynre or Venry Wade ... Weda Wager, Admiral ... Werga Wakefield ... Wafekeild Waller, Mr. ... Welral Walpole, Sir Robert ... Walelop Walpole, Mr. ... Walelop Walter, Mr. ... Gusbret Watkins, Mr. ... Waknits Wendover ... Wednevro Westmoreland ... Westromland William ... Wimgul Willimot, Mr. ... Guillitom Winchelsea, Lord ... Wichensale Winnington, Mr. ... Wintinnong Wortley, Mr. ... Wolresyt or Werotyl Wyndham ... Gumdahm Wynn ... Ooyn Yonge ... Yegon

Almanza ... Almanaz America ... Columbia Amsterdam ... Amstredam Aschaffenburg ... Aschafnefburg Austria ... Aurista Barbadoes ... Bardosba Barcelona ... Bracolena Brittany ... Brateney Bavaria ... Baravia Blenheim ... Blehneim or Blenhem Bourbon ... Buorbon Brandenburg ... Brangburden Bristol ... Broslit Britain ... Lilliput Cadiz ... Cazid Cambridge ... Guntar Campechy ... Capemchy Carolina ... Carolana Carthagena ... Carthanega Cologne ... Colgone Commons ... Clinabs Connecticut ... Contecticnu Cressy ... Cerlsy Cuba ... Cabu Denmark ... Dancram Dettingen ... Detteneg Dunkirk ... Donkirk Dutch ... Belgians Edinburgh ... Edina Europe ... Degulia Flanders ... Flandria France ... Blefuscu Georgia ... Gorgentia Germany ... Allemanu Gibraltar ... Grablitra Guastalla ... Gua Stalla Guernsey ... Guensrey Hanover ... Hanevro Haversham ... Havremarsh Hesse Cassel ... Hyesse Clessa Hispaniola ... Iberionola Holland ... Belgia Hungary ... Hungruland India ... Idnia Ireland ... Ierne Italy ... Itlascu Jamaica ... Zamengol Jucatan ... Jutacan Leghorn ... Lehgron London ... Mildendo Madrid ... Mardit Malplaquet ... Malpalquet Mardyke ... Mardryke Martinico ... Marnitico Mediterranean ... Middle Sea Minorca ... Minocra Munster ... Munstru Muscovy ... Mausqueeta New York ... Noveborac Orkney ... Orkyen Orleans ... Olreans Ostend ... Odsten Parma ... Par Ma Pennsylvania ... Pennvasilia Poland ... Poldrand Portugal ... Lusitania Port Mahon ... Port Mohan Prussia ... Parushy Prague ... Praga Sardinia ... Sadrinia Schellembourg ... Schemelbourg Seville ... Sebfule Sicily ... Cilisy South Sea ... Pacific Ocean Spain ... Iberia Straits ... Narrow Seas Sweden ... Swecte Turkey ... Korambec Utrecht ... Ultralt Vienna ... Vinena Virginia ... Vegrinia Westminster ... Belfaborac Wolfenbuttle ... Wobentuffle

Admiral ... Galbet Baronet ... Hurgolen Commons ... Clinabs Duke ... Nardac Earl ... Cosern Esquire ... Urg Gentleman ... Urgolen High Heels or Tory ... Tramecsan Knight ... Hurgolet Legal ... Snilpal Lord ... Hurgo Penny ... a Grull Popery ... Missalsm Prophet ... Lustrug Sprug ... a Pound Squire ... Urg Viscount ... Comvic Years ... Moons

REFERENCES TO THE SPEAKERS

Abingdon, Lord, Archer, Mr. Hy. Argyle, Duke of, Attorney General, Bathurst, Mr. Baltimore, Lord, Barnard, Sir John, Barrington, Mr. Bedford, Duke of, Bladen, Mr. Bowles, Mr. Brown, Mr. Burrel, Mr. Campbell, Mr. Carew, Mr. Carlisle, Lord, Carteret, Lord, Cholmondeley, Lord, Clutterbuck, Mr. Cocks, Mr. Cornwall, Capt. Cornwall, Mr. Cotton, Sir Hind, Devonshire, Duke of, Digby, Mr. Earle, Mr. Fazakerly, Mr. Fox, Mr. Gage, Lord, Gore, Mr. Gore, Mr. Gower, Lord, Gybbon, Mr. Halifax, Lord, Hardwick, Lord, Harrington, Lord, Hay, Mr. Hervey, Lord, Howe, Mr. Littleton, Mr. Lockwood, Mr. Lord Chancellor, Lovel, Lord, Marlborough, Duke of, Mordaunt, Col. Newcastle, Duke of, Norris, Admiral, Onslow, Mr. Ord, Mr. Pelham, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Pulteney, Mr. Quarendon, Lord, Salisbury, Bishop of, Sandys, Mr. Shippen, Mr. Sloper, Mr. Southwell, Mr. Talbot, Lord, Thompson, Lord, Tracey, Mr. Tyrconnel, Vyner, Mr. Wade, General, Wager, Sir Charles, Waller, Mr. Walpole, Sir Robert, Walpole, Mr. Westmoreland, Lord, Willimot, Mr. Winnington, Mr. Yonge, Sir Wm.

DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, NOVEMBER 19, 1740.

PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATE, WITH REGARD TO THE BILL FOR PROHIBITING THE EXPORTATION OF CORN, ETC.

On the first day of the session, his majesty, in his speech from the throne, recommended to parliament to consider of some good law to prevent the growing mischief of the exportation of corn to foreign countries.

On the fourth day, a bill for preventing, for a limited time, the exportation, etc, was read a first time in the house of commons, and the question put, whether it should be printed, which passed in the negative.

This day the agent for the colonies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, presented a petition against the said corn bill, which was referred to the committee.

Another petition was also presented by the agent for the colony of Connecticut, in New England, setting forth that the chief trade of that colony arose from supplying other British colonies with corn, so that unless that colony be excepted from the restraints intended by this bill, both that and those which are supplied by it will be reduced to great distress, and praying, therefore, that such exception may be allowed.

The allegations in this petition were confirmed by another, from one of the provinces supplied by the colony of Connecticut.

Another petition was presented by the agent for South Carolina, setting forth, that unless the rice produced in that province were allowed to be exported, the colony must be ruined by the irretrievable loss of their whole trade, as the countries now supplied from thence might easily procure rice from the French settlements, already too much their rivals in trade.

This petition was supported by another, offered at the same time by the merchants of Bristol.

A petition was likewise presented by the agent for the sugar islands, in which it was alleged, that if no provisions be imported thither from Britain, they must, in one month, suffer the extremities of famine.

All these petitions were referred to the committee for the bill.

A printed paper was also delivered to the members, entitled, 'considerations on the embargo,' which enumerated many dangerous consequences likely to be produced by an embargo on provisions, and suggested that it was no better than a wicked scheme for private profit, with other reflections, for which the paper was deemed a libel, and the author committed to prison.

The bill being read in the committee, produced the following memorable debate.

Mr. PULTNEY spoke to this effect:--Sir, after all the attention which has been bestowed upon the bill now before us, I cannot yet conceive it such as can benefit the nation, or such as will not produce far greater inconveniencies than those which it is intended to obviate, and therefore, as those inconveniencies may be prevented by other means, I cannot but declare that I am far from approving it.

Our ancestors, sir, have always thought it the great business of this house to watch against the encroachments of the prerogative, and to prevent an increase of the power of the minister; and the commons have always been considered as more faithful to their trust, and more properly the representatives of the people, in proportion as they have considered this great end with more attention, and prosecuted it with more invariable resolution. If we inquire into the different degrees of reputation, which the several assemblies of commons have obtained, and consider why some are remembered with reverence and gratitude, and others never mentioned but with detestation and contempt, we shall always find that their conduct, with regard to this single point, has produced their renown or their infamy. Those are always, by the general suffrage of mankind, applauded as the patterns of their country, who have struggled with the influence of the crown, and those condemned as traitors, who have either promoted it by unreasonable grants, or seen it increase by slow degrees, without resistance.

It has not, indeed, sir, been always the practice of ministers to make open demands of larger powers, and avow, without disguise, their designs of extending their authority; such proposals would, in former times, have produced no consequences but that of awakening the vigilance of the senate, of raising suspicions against all their proceedings, and of embarrassing the crown with petitions, addresses, and impeachments.

They were under a necessity, in those times, of promoting their schemes; those schemes which scarcely any ministry has forborne to adopt, by more secret and artful and silent methods, by methods of diverting the attention of the publick to other objects, and of making invisible approaches to the point in view, while they seemed to direct all their endeavours to different purposes.

But such, sir, have been the proofs of implicit confidence, which the administration has received from this assembly, that it is now common to demand unlimited powers, and to expect confidence without restriction, to require an immediate possession of our estates by a vote of credit, or the sole direction of our trade by an act for prohibiting, during their pleasure, the exportation of the produce of our lands.

Upon what instances of uncommon merit, of regard to the publick prosperity, unknown in former times, or of discernment superior to that of their most celebrated predecessors, the present ministers found their new claims to submission and to trust, I am, indeed, at a loss to discover; for, however mankind may have determined concerning the integrity of those by whom the late memorable convention was transacted, defended, and confirmed, I know not that their wisdom has yet appeared by any incontestable or manifest evidence, which may set their abilities above question, and fix their reputation for policy out of the reach of censure and inquiries.

The only act, sir, by which it can be discovered that they have any degree of penetration proportionate to their employments, is the embargo lately laid upon provisions in Ireland, by which our enemies have been timely hindered from furnishing themselves, from our dominions, with necessaries for their armies and their navies, and our fellow-subjects have been restrained from exposing themselves to the miseries of famine, by yielding to the temptation of present profit; a temptation generally so powerful as to prevail over any distant interest.

But as nothing is more contrary to my natural disposition, or more unworthy of a member of this house, than flattery, I cannot affirm that I ascribe this useful expedient wholly to the sagacity or the caution of the ministry, nor can I attribute all the happy effects produced by it to their benign solicitude for the publick welfare.

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