Read Ebook: The Wild Tribes of Davao District Mindanao The R. F. Cummings Philippine Expedition by Cole Fay Cooper

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Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs, for, as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen beings influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two following tales deal with the Bila-an genesis.

"He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his hands in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or dead skin which he thus removed, he placed to one side where it accumulated at last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of this annoyance he made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he decided to make two beings like himself only much smaller in size. This he did from remnants of the material from which he made the earth.

"Now, while MElu was making the first two men, and when he had the first one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished all excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana or Tau Dalom Tana appeared and demanded of MElu that he be allowed to make the nose. Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom Tana gained his point and did make the noses and placed them on the faces of the first two people upside down. So great had been the argument over this making and placing of noses that MElu forgot to finish that part of the second person and went away to his place above the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana went away to his place below the earth. Then came a great rain and the two people on the earth were about to perish on account of the water which ran off their heads into their noses. MElu seeing what was happening came to them and changed their noses, and then told them that they should save all the hair which came from their heads, and all the scurf which came from their bodies to the end that when he came again he might make more people. As time passed there came to be a great many people, and they lived in a village having plenty to eat and no labor but the gathering of such fruits as they desired.

"One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the near country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing, one upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went away apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they returned the woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered and were afraid. When MElu came again soon, knowing what had taken place, he was very angry and he went away abandoning them, and a great drought came, when for two seasons no rain fell and everything withered up and died. At last the people went away, two by two, one man and one woman together, and MElu never again came to visit his people on earth."

Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson.

The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with more or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an:

"The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. These two had children, Tapi and Lakarol. Their descendants were Sinudal , Moay , Limbay , Madinda , Sinnamoway , Kamansa , Gilay , Gomayau , Salau , Slayen , BaEn , Kanfal , Latara ."

The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale. Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tracing his descent from Lakbang.

It is said that MElu and Saweigh now live below, Dwata and Fiuweigh in the sky.

From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElu, or MElE, is the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help is sought in times of calamity and at very important occasions.

Duwata is generally considered to be the wife of MElu and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes identified with a female spirit called Kalalokan.

Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits; but there is some dispute as to whether they have always been so, or once were human.

Lamot ta Mangayo, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of the warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan of the Bagobo.

See page 133.

See p. 110 note.

Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to the women.

A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers. Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties.

Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat making, weaving and decoration of clothing, take up most of the time of the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or in search of forest products.

The hardest work in the fields falls to the men; they also strip the hemp needed in weaving, while a few of them are skilled workers in brass and copper and turn out bells and other ornaments not at all inferior to those of the coast natives. Their methods of casting as well as their manufactures are identical with those of the Bagobo from whom they probably learned the art. So far as could be learned no iron work is done by members of this tribe, and the few spears and knives possessed by the warriors seem to be trade articles.

The old men claim that until recent years the bow and arrow was their sole offensive weapon. It is certain that today they have a greater variety of arrows and are more skillful in the use of this type of weapon than are any of their neighbors. None of the weapons found on the gulf side of the divide appeared to be poisoned, but a number secured by Major Porter from the Lake Buluan region seem to have been so treated . Different types of arrows have been developed for different purposes; one for fighting, another for deer and pig, another for monkeys, and still others for fish and birds . Birds are killed also by means of reed blow guns, identical in type with those shown on page 73, Fig. 18. As a rule such weapons are used by boys. Pitch sticks , chicken snares, and fish traps are in common use, but bird nets and wooden decoys seem to be unknown.

FIG. 38. BOWS, ARROWS AND QUIVER FROM LAKE BULUAN REGION.

FIG. 39. BOWS AND ARROWS IN COMMON USE.

FIG. 40. PITCH STICK USED IN THE CAPTURE OF SMALL BIRDS.

When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and arrows, spears, and fighting knives . They are in bad repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings serve as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it difficult to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only when urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge for real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice that great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against an enemy the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands and placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons upon them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks as follows: "Now listen Lamot ta Mangayo, let the person who killed my brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we offer to you. Give us good fortune in the fight." Upon returning from the fray they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, on a plate, and having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls to MElu saying: "If the brother of the man we have killed in payment for my brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we make a present to you."

A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared by her at that time would be refused by all who knew her condition.

From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies attend either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty.

As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years of age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having decided upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he may wish to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit. Arrived at the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that his son wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his wife. In reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither agongs, animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an offering of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may be, a return present equal to half its value must be made. Should the girl's parents reject the gift all negotiations would be called off and the guests return home, but as a rule, both families are well aware of and favorable to the expected wedding sometime before the visit of the groom's parents. After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished first to the guests and later to the couple, who in the presence of all the friends, feed each other with rice and are henceforth considered as husband and wife. Until after the birth of a child the couple live with the girl's family and the groom serves his father-in-law. After the birth of an heir the couple establish a home of their own and to it the husband may bring other wives if he desires. He pays a price for these new wives, but does not give any services to their families. The first mate is considered superior to the others, and in case her husband dies, she acts as administrator of his property; however, the children of a second wife share equally with those by the first marriage.

Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page 101.

The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. The body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain from music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead man is still near at hand and is sure to wreak his vengeance on those who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, and having placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with betel leaves, sets it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout. This removes the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular occupations.

See pp. 157 and 161.

If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death should be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite, while less common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, and may be occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For instance, if a person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have become convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the misfortune, they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a member of their own community. A case is known where a thief was put to death in this manner. As there is considerable variation in the accounts of this important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to give the descriptions of two eye-witnesses.

The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of Labau named Lantingari. His account is as follows:

"Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos, died and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, Bagobos of Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice was necessary both because of the death and in order that the size, wealth, and fame of the tribe might be increased. About this time Dianon, a Bila-an of Latian , caught a man named Saligon stealing camotes, sugar-cane, and corn from the land. He bound and tied the man, and after a conference with Karan, Dianon agreed to turn over his prisoner for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and one gun.

The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to have eaten some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from the patch, but the informant could not say whether or not this had anything to do with later developments.

"The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau during the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet apart, and a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. The culprit was tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizontal pole so that his arms were high above his head, and his feet were fastened to a stake.

"The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and children stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the right of the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both unsheathed their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, MElu and Lamot ta Mangayo to look and see that they were killing the man because of his great fault; if this were not true they surely would not kill him. At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men that he was not afraid to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be great, but that if they would release him, he would return at once to his home in Bilawan and would not cause them any trouble because of what they had proposed to do. When he stopped talking, Karan struck him from in front just below the ribs with his fighting knife, and Umook struck him from in back. The other men present who were willing to pay for the privilege then struck at the body with their knives. The body was then cut down and buried in a shallow grave already prepared for it. No parts were carried away, although in some cases the women take the long hairs of the victim and sew them in the designs on the men's trousers in place of black thread."

The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty, Karan and Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since they were not ill, it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had taken his body up and would not punish his murderers.

The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a sacrifice every two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE was the victim. At that time he was too young to remember the details.

"A Bila-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations made for a sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in the forest some distance from the town, and in this were two upright poles which supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. Near them and inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the victim was brought in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands crossed one on each side of the beam. The men filled the house, leaving a free place only near the victim, and the women and children crowded close around in the yard. After addressing the spirits, Lamot ta Mangayo, MElu, and Dwata, I placed my spear to the man's side, and then all the male relatives took hold of the shaft and at my signal forced the weapon through the body. Other men then cut at the body with their knives, finally releasing it from the pole. While it lay on the ground the women and boys were allowed to enter the house and throw spears at it, after which it was buried."

Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan claim to have witnessed several of these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the two just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see.

In studying the decorative art of this people a person encounters the same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered with elaborate patterns , to some of which all the people will give the same names and explanations; but by far the greater portion of the designs have only pattern names which are unexplained. Many designs are readily identified as men and alligators. In Fig. 41 the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while the conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and spread legs, However, the great majority of decorative patterns on clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is true also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often seen on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers, tobacco tubes, and the like.

FIG. 41. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.

FIG. 42. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.

The language of this tribe, while quite uniform among its divisions, varies considerably from that of any of their coast neighbors. There is at once noticeable a more common use of obscure vowel and consonant sounds, such as b, f, E, a, and k, in the beginning, end or even in the body of the word; while the letter f, seldom found in Philippine dialects, is here very common; and finally, there is wide variation in vocabulary.

There are certain ill-defined tales to the effect that this tribe once lived about Lake Buluan, and one writer has attempted to show that the tribal name is derived from that early home. Today they are still in considerable numbers in that region, and this together with the fact that they are now, and have been since the advent of the white man, primarily an interior mountain people, helps to give credence to the belief that they have spread to their present homes from the lake district. Their language is a further proof that they have long been separated from the people of the Davao Gulf region, for it differs more from all the other dialects studied than did any of these vary among themselves. Despite the foregoing statement, this brief sketch has shown that in material culture, religion, and even physical type this tribe does not differ radically from the Bagobo.

SYNONYMS.

CULAMANES.

MANOBO.

According to Governor Bolton this tribe numbers about thirty-five hundred individuals and occupies a considerable portion of the coast, and adjacent mountains, from the Padada river on the north to Sarangani Bay on the south. On the east side of Davao Gulf its members are found along the beach and in the mountains, from Sigaboy to Cape San Agustin, and also in a few scattered villages on the southeastern Pacific Coast.

According to their own tales, the Kulaman once held all the coast from the Padada River to Sarangani Bay, but did not extend far back from the sea, since in the mountains lived the Tagakaolo and Bila-an with whom they were constantly at war. When the Moro appeared on their coasts and offered help against the hill tribes in return for land, they were gladly received and were given several village sites near to the mouths of various rivers. Aside from a few minor quarrels, the Kulaman have always lived on friendly terms with these later comers, and not a few of the tribe have been converted to Mohammedism.

Influenced by their new allies they organized under several petty rulers who were subservient to the datu at Kulaman, and with this superior organization they were able to carry on such successful warfare against the hill tribes that the Tagakaolo were, for a time, partially under their rule.

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