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Ebook has 1501 lines and 116204 words, and 31 pages

Editor: Tom Watson

Transcriber's Notes:

In two handsome volumes, dark red cloth, gilt tops, price .00.

Illustrated with Portraits and Facsimiles. Cloth, 8vo, .25 net.

"If you want the best obtainable, most readable, most intelligent, most genuinely American study of this great character, read Watson's history of Napoleon."

Orders for the above books will be filled by TOM WATSON'S MAGAZINE, 121 West 42nd Street, New York City.

TERMS: .00 A YEAR; 10 CENTS A NUMBER

TOM WATSON'S MAGAZINE ADVERTISER

How to Overthrow Plutocracy

Several million people in the United States are in substantial accord with the demands of the People's Party. A majority of all voters would welcome Government Ownership of Railroads and other public utilities. The recent great victory in Chicago for Municipal Ownership demonstrates this fact. What Chicago has done locally can be accomplished in the nation--and WILL be done as soon as the people overcome

Political Inertia

With many the voting habit becomes fixed after one or two elections. The ordinary man keeps on "voting 'er straight" long after he has discovered that his party's actions are out of joint with his own views. Party "regularity" commands the average man's support long after he KNOWS his party is headed wrong. Some really great men, even, have placed party "regularity" before principle.

A Great Light

on the correct principle of organization is to be found in that admirable work by George Gordon Hastings,

The First American King

A dashing romance, in which a scientist and a detective of today wake up seventy-five years later to find His Majesty, Imperial and Royal, William I, Emperor of the United States and King of the Empire State of New York, ruling the land, with the real power in the hands of half a dozen huge trusts. Automobiles have been replaced by pha?rmobiles; air-ships sail above the surface of the earth; there has been a successful war against Russia; a social revolution is brewing. The book is both an enthralling romance and a serious sociological study, which scourges unmercifully the society and politics of the present time, many of whose brightest stars reappear in the future under thinly disguised names. There are wit and humor and sarcasm galore--a stirring tale of adventure and a charming love story.

Hon. Thomas E. Watson says:

"I read 'The First American King,' and found it one of the most interesting books I ever opened. Mr. Hastings has not only presented a profound study of our social and economic conditions, but he has made the story one of fascination. It reminds me at times of Bellamy's 'Looking Backward,' but the story is told with so much more human interest, the situations themselves are so much more dramatic, that it impresses me very much more favorably than any book of that kind I have ever known."

Interesting as the story is as a romance and as a critical sociological study, one of its vitally important points is

How to Organize

This Is the Key-Note of Success

For fifteen years the People's Party, in season and out of season, has preached "Equal Rights to All, Special Privileges to None." It has persistently demanded that government shall attend to public matters, and that private business shall be conducted by individuals with the least possible interference--and absolutely no favoritism--by government. It has continually demanded public ownership and government operation of railroads and other public utilities. It has urged the initiative, referendum and the recall; a scientific money system; the abolition of monopoly in every form. Millions of voters--as the Chicago election clearly indicates--are in accord with the People's Party; but heretofore the voting habit, the "vote 'er straight" political insanity, has kept them in political slavery.

Educate the Boys

Let us train up a new generation of voters--without diminishing our efforts to break up old party habits--who will have the courage of conviction and correct ideas regarding politics and economics. Let us interest the mothers, so we can have the boys taught to cast their first votes on the side of Justice. Habit will then keep them voting right.

Let Us Begin Now

Mr. Hastings's book is a thought-provoker. It combines romance with sociology and teaches while entertaining. With "The First American King" and TOM WATSON'S MAGAZINE in another 100,000 homes, our first great step will be taken toward overcoming plutocracy. With this end in view, we have made arrangements whereby we can offer a dollar book, 350 pages, and a dollar magazine one year, 128 pages monthly, both for only .50.

Tom Watson's Magazine and The First American King .50

In order to treat all alike, the book will be sent postpaid to any present subscriber of TOM WATSON'S MAGAZINE on receipt of 60 cents. No person not a subscriber can buy "The First American King" of us for a cent less than .00. If you have not already subscribed for the magazine, send us .50 today for this attractive combination, and expedite the work of building up the People's Party of the future.

Address all orders to

TOM WATSON'S MAGAZINE, 121 West 42d Street, New York

VOL. I MAY, 1905 No. 3

BY THOMAS E. WATSON

The recent victory won by it in Chicago makes the truth of that statement apparent.

Why shouldn't the lesson of the Chicago election be taken to heart by every great city and every small town in this Republic? If the people of Chicago can turn the rascals out, the people of New York can turn the rascals out, the people of Philadelphia can turn the rascals out. Talk about vested rights and charters which grant monopolies! Nobody wants to confiscate property or violate contracts, no matter how ill-judged those contracts may have been. But we say this: Just as private property was assessed and taken under the principle of Eminent Domain, in order that corporations should construct their railways, their telegraph lines, their telephone lines, so the same principle of Eminent Domain can be applied to return to the people what was taken away from the people. Assess these properties at a fair valuation, pay honestly and fully what they are worth, then take them over for the public to be operated for the benefit of the public. The law of Eminent Domain can be applied to all sorts of property, real and personal, the tangible thing called an acre of ground and the intangible thing called a charter.

Ever since the close of the Civil War there has been a growing sentiment on both sides of Mason and Dixon's line in favor of mutual forbearance, the purpose being to speed the day when the North and South shall become reconciled.

In the South no speaker will now add to his popularity or influence by reckless abuse of the North.

We had supposed that the North was equally tired of the speaker or writer who puts the torch to sectional prejudice or who wantonly inflicts upon the South a blow which he must realize will arouse angry resentment.

When the last gun was fired at Appomattox, the biggest, bravest, best hearted men on each side united in the effort to stem the tide of sectional hatred and to knit together the bonds of brotherly love.

General Grant, by his magnanimity at the surrender, set a sublime standard.

General Lee, by his noble advice and example, gave the South a lesson whose influence for good cannot be overestimated.

Horace Greeley, when he volunteered to sign the bond of Jefferson Davis, and Senator L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi, when he pronounced a magnificent memorial address upon Charles Sumner in the Senate, were but following the illustrious precedents of Grant and Lee.

Later, there came the mission of Henry Grady and of John B. Gordon, upon the one side, and the conciliatory words and deeds of William McKinley on the other.

Nor should we forget the fine tribute paid to Southern character and courage in the writings of Theodore Roosevelt, who as President has honored the sons of Stonewall Jackson, Jeb Stuart and General Beauregard, and who, in one of his latest appointments, has given preference to General Rosser, the youngest of the Confederate brigadiers.

The battle-scarred veterans of the North have been meeting in memorable reunions the survivors of those who followed Johnston and Forrest and Jackson and Lee; and the most touching and inspiring scenes have been witnessed at these encampments where the South and the North recognized each other's honesty, valor and generosity, and each section vied with the other in the glorious work of harmonizing the nation.

At the grave of General Grant it was the presence of our Southern soldier, John B. Gordon, which testified to the North the sympathy of the South.

And only a few days ago President Roosevelt inquired diligently into the circumstances of the widowed Mrs. Gordon to know whether or not an appointment as Postmaster for the city of Atlanta would be acceptable to her.

During the Spanish war the South sprang into the ranks under the old flag, at the tap of the drum, and the blood of a Southern boy was the first that was shed in the conflict.

It was the ranking cavalry leader of the expiring Confederacy who steadied the lines before Santiago, prevented a retreat, and brought from Mr. Roosevelt the manly acknowledgment that to General Joseph Wheeler, more than to any other man, was due the fact that we won the victory.

It is sad to think that all this patriotism may not have made a deep impression upon the country.

It is sad to realize that the work of such men as Alexander H. Stephens, Benjamin H. Hill, Senator Lamar, Thomas Nelson Page and Henry W. Grady has left so much still to be done before that man, North or South, who endeavors to inflame the passions of the sections shall be made to feel that he has excited for himself the contempt and disgust which he deserves.

He writes an article called "Conditions of the Southern Problem," and a more thoroughly exaggerated and libelous contribution to public discussion has not been made during the last twenty years.

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