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THE BIOLOGICAL ORIGIN OF MARRIAGE 1-19

MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY AMONGST ANIMALS 20-36

PROMISCUITY 37-55

SOME SINGULAR FORMS OF SEXUAL ASSOCIATION 56-72

POLYANDRY 73-88

MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE 89-104

MARRIAGE BY PURCHASE AND BY SERVITUDE 105-121

PRIMITIVE POLYGAMY 122-137

POLYGAMY OF CIVILISED PEOPLE 138-153

PROSTITUTION AND CONCUBINAGE 154-170

PRIMITIVE MONOGAMY 171-187

HEBREW AND ARYAN MONOGAMY 188-206

ADULTERY 207-227

REPUDIATION AND DIVORCE 228-248

WIDOWHOOD AND THE LEVIRATE 249-266

THE FAMILIAL CLAN IN AUSTRALIA AND AMERICA 267-284

THE FAMILIAL CLAN AND ITS EVOLUTION 285-302

THE MATERNAL FAMILY 303-321

THE FAMILY IN CIVILISED COUNTRIES 322-340

MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY IN THE PAST, THE PRESENT, AND THE FUTURE 341-360

INDEX 361

PREFACE

A few preliminary observations in regard to the aim and method of this work may be useful to the reader.

He will do well to begin by persuading himself, with Montaigne, that the "hinges of custom" are not always the "hinges of reason," and still less those of reality in all times and places. He will do better still to steep himself in the spirit of scientific evolution, and to bear in mind that incessant change is the law of the social, quite as much as of the physical and organic world, and that the most splendid blossoms have sprung from very humble germs. This is the supreme truth of science, and it is only when such a point of view has become quite familiar to us that we shall be neither troubled nor disconcerted by the sociological history of humanity; and however shocking or unnatural certain customs may appear, we shall guard ourselves against any feeling of indignation at them, and more especially against a thoughtless refusal to give credence to them, simply because they run counter to our own usages and morality.

On this point I must permit myself a short digression.

From this evolution of thousands of years there has finally resulted, in countries and races more or less civilised, a certain sexual morality, which is half instinctive, and varies according to time and place, but which it is impossible to transgress without the risk of offending gravely against public opinion. Civilisations, however, whether coarse or refined, differ from each other. Certain actions, counted as blameworthy in one part of the world, are elsewhere held as lawful and even praiseworthy. In order to trace the origin of marriage and of the family, it is therefore indispensable to relate a number of practices which may be scandalous in our eyes. While submitting to this necessity, I have done so unwillingly, and with all the sobriety which befits the subject. I have striven never to depart from the scientific spirit, which purifies everything, and renders even indecency decent.

Like the savages of to-day, our distant ancestors were very little removed from simple animal existence. A knowledge of their physiology is nevertheless necessary to enable us to understand our own; for, however cultivated the civilised man may be, he derives from the humble progenitors of his race a number of instincts which are energetic in proportion as they are of a low order. More or less deadened, these gross tendencies are latent in the most highly developed individuals; and when they sometimes break out suddenly in the actions of a man's life, or in the morals or literature of a people, they recall to us our very humble origin, and even show a certain mental and moral retrogression.

Now it is to this primitive man, still in such a rudimentary state, that we must go back for enlightenment on the genesis of all our social institutions. We must take him at the most distant dawn of humanity, follow him step by step in his slow metamorphoses, without either disparaging or poetising him; we must watch him rising and becoming more refined through accumulated centuries, till he loses by degrees his animal instincts, and at length acquires aptitudes, inclinations, and faculties that are truly human.

Nothing is better adapted to exemplify the evolution which binds our present to our past and to our future than the sociological history of marriage and of the family.

After having spoken of the aim of this book, it remains for me to justify its method. This differs considerably from what the mass of the public like far too well. But a scientific treatise must not take purely literary works for its models; and I can say to my readers, with much more reason than old Rabelais, that if they wish to taste the marrow, they must take the trouble to break the bone. My first and chief consideration is to assist in the foundation of a new science--ethnographical sociology. Elegant and vain dissertations, or vague generalities, have no place here. It is by giving way to these, and in attempting to reap the harvest before sowing the seed, that many authors have lost themselves in a pseudo-sociology, having no foundation, and consequently no value.

Social science, if it is to be seriously constituted, must submit with docility to the method of natural science. The first task, and the one which especially falls to the lot of the sociologists of the present day, is to collect the facts which will form materials for the future edifice. To their successors will fall the pleasure of completing and adorning it.

The present work is, therefore, above all, a collection of facts which, even if taken alone, are curious and suggestive. These facts have been patiently gleaned from the writings of ethnographers, travellers, legists, and historians. I have classed them as well as I could, and naturally they have inspired

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