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THE DIET OF SPIRE.

It is reasonable to suppose that the Pope could not have been satisfied with the great activity of the evangelical party, and the constantly increasing and noble spread of the gospel. He had but too many adherents in Germany, who were filled with the most violent rage against the Evangelical party. DUKE GEORGE of Saxony, who had been frequently attacked by Luther, especially breathed vengeance. He had in his service a counsellor, named OTTO VON PACK. It is a mystery to the present day, how this man came to reveal a pretended secret to the son-in-law of the Duke, the well-known Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, according to which the Catholic princes had formed a league against the evangelical states. He succeeded in presenting the matter in so plausible a manner, that Philip, who was already inclined to fight, believed it necessary to form a counter-league. Even the Elector John, who was otherwise more sober and calm, was of the same opinion. The Landgrave was not satisfied with mere words, but marched to the frontier with his troops; but the Elector was prudent enough to ask the opinions of his theologians, among whom Melanchthon was included.

Their advice was quite temperate. Although they were highly incensed at this Catholic league, they would hear nothing of an attack. How much Melanchthon was inclined to a scriptural peace, is shown in a letter addressed by him to the Elector on the 18th of May, 1528: "To have a good conscience, and to enjoy the friendship of God, is surely the best consolation in all afflictions. But if we should begin by seizing the sword, and commence a war with an evil conscience, we would have lost this consolation. Great sorrow and cares induce me to write this. God knows that I do not value my own life so highly, but I am only thinking how much dishonor might be brought upon the holy Gospel, should your Electoral Grace begin to war, without previously making use of all means and ways to preserve the peace, which indeed ought to be done." The Elector was of the same opinion, but the Landgrave stood prepared to fight. But when he wrote to his father-in-law, Duke George, he declared the whole matter to be "an unfounded lying report." Although the evangelical party could hardly believe this assertion, and perhaps had reason for it, they were, nevertheless, obliged to put an end to all further preparations.

Two years before, in the year 1526, a Diet had been held in Spire, which had taken a turn favorable to the evangelical party. Although the Catholics demanded that the wicked Edict of Worms should be executed, they nevertheless did not succeed. The States were divided, and the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip were about to leave the Diet, when King Ferdinand and the Elector of Treves acted as mediators, and declared that a Christian free council should be held in a year, in order to settle these religious difficulties. During this time each one should remain quiet and peaceful. The princes promised to act as they wished to answer for it before God and the Emperor, or in their own words: "During the meantime, until a council shall be held, each State is so to treat its subjects, in reference to the Edict of Worms, as they hope to answer for it before God and the Emperor." After this, the whole matter remained as it was before, and there was great reason for gratitude to God that such a result had been reached.

The Elector requested Luther and Melanchthon to give their opinion concerning this decree. They express themselves decidedly opposed to assenting to the decree, but drop the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians, who were as unpopular in the electoral dominions as elsewhere. This opinion no doubt exercised an influence upon the Evangelical States. Melanchthon's spirits were deeply affected during the progress of these negotiations. He expressed his sorrow in his letters. On the 15th of March he wrote to Camerarius that it could easily be seen on every side that the Evangelical party is hated, as well as what they intend to do. "You know," he continues, "that I observe many defects among our friends, but their object here is not to correct our faults, but to suppress the best of causes. But I hope that Christ will prevent this, and frustrate the counsels of those people who desire war." So he also entreated his friend Myconius: "I exhort thee to pray Christ that he would regard us in mercy, and protect us. For here we are objects of scorn to the proud spirits, and of derision to the rich."

The Emperor received the Protest in a very ungracious manner. A threatening imperial reply arrived from Barcelona, dated July 12, 1529, in which he expresses his disapprobation of the Protest, and concludes thus: "If you should continue to appear disobedient after this our gracious warning, we would no longer hesitate, but would and should be obliged to punish you, in order to maintain proper obedience in the Holy Empire." We may well imagine how such language was calculated to trouble Melanchthon.

During this season of troubles, he made a brief visit to Bretten, to see his mother. He saw her for the last time, for she completed her earthly pilgrimage on the 6th of June, 1529.

THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.

While the Catholics were filled with the most violent enmity against the evangelical party, and dark clouds were gathering over the heads of the Protestants, because of the decided expression of the emperor's will, it was a matter for the very deepest regret that a deep gulf was opened in the midst of the evangelical party, which grew wider and wider in the course of time. This was the rupture between the Lutherans and the Reformed, to use the names familiar now. We have already become acquainted with the restless, stormy spirit of Dr. Carlstadt, whom Melanchthon called the wicked A B C, on account of the initials of the three names, Andrew Bodenstein Carlstadt. Among other errors, he also denied the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament, and explained the words of institution in so forced a manner, that Luther was doubtful whether he should consider him in earnest, or think that God had hardened and blinded him. Luther simply adhered to the words of Christ, however much, as he confesses himself, he was spurred by his reason to deviate from the words. "But I am a prisoner," he says, "and cannot escape; the text is too powerful, and will not permit its meaning to be changed by words." Melanchthon also strictly held, that the body and blood of Christ are truly and essentially present in the Lord's Supper.

However, this plan, entertained by another individual also, was soon to be realized. The Landgrave PHILIP of Hesse saw what incalculable mischief would follow a division of the Germans and the Swiss. He regarded the matter from a political point of view, because a party, divided in itself, could not accomplish that which it might do when united. But he also appreciated the religious aspect of the question. It was soon discovered to which side he leaned in this dispute. Be this as it may, the Landgrave considered it advisable to arrange a conference at Marburg between the Germans and the Swiss. Although the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was the principal point of difference, there were yet besides this a number of other differences. Although Melanchthon had suggested the idea of such a conference to Oecolampadius, he now dissuaded from it, when the Landgrave wished such an one to take place. With Luther he believed that the conference would not be productive of good.

But finally both parties consented. The day after Michaelmas, the Wittenbergians, Luther, Melanchthon and Jonas, arrived in Marburg, after Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucer and Hedio, had already arrived. Andrew Osiander, of Nuremberg, Brenz of Hall, and Stephen Agricola of Augsburg, arrived after this. Jonas cannot sufficiently extol the gracious, friendly, even princely reception, they met with. Although it had at first been arranged that they should lodge in the city, the Landgrave now received them into his palace. Jonas remarks: "This has been done in these forests, not only in honor of learning, but of the true God and Christ, whom we preach. Would to God that everything might be decided to the honor of Christ!"

Melanchthon reported the proceedings of the conference to the Elector John of Saxony, and likewise to Duke Henry of Saxony. We follow his narrative, which gives us a clear view of this important meeting. At first, Luther conversed with Oecolampadius alone, and Melanchthon with Zwingli. It was stated that Zwingli was accused of teaching that Original Sin was not sin, and that Baptism did not secure to children forgiveness of Original Sin. That he declared concerning the Lord's Supper, that the body and blood of Christ are not truly in the sacrament. He is also said to teach that the Holy Ghost is not given through the Word and Sacrament, but without the word and sacrament. Further, it is asserted, that some do not teach correctly of the Divinity of Christ, and also spoke awkwardly of Justification before God. That they did not insist enough upon the doctrine of Faith. Zwingli hereupon declared that he always believed, and did still believe, that Christ is true God and man. That it is not his fault if others have taught improperly. They disputed a long time concerning original sin, and the means by which the Holy Ghost is communicated. Zwingli yielded this point.

Such was the result of the conference at Marburg. Both parties adhered to their own opinions. The Swiss asked to be regarded as brethren. Luther refused, and declared this to be an evidence that they did not value their own cause very highly. Although they were satisfied with Luther's doctrines on all other points, they adhered to their own opinion of the Lord's Supper. It is true Melanchthon expresses a hope that they might change their opinion in this matter at some future day, but this hope was never realized.

The Conference lasted three days. Melanchthon had feared that their opponents would be far more violent, and expressed himself well satisfied with them in this respect. The Landgrave was also deeply interested in this discussion. It is said that he made the remark: "Now he would rather believe the simple words of Christ than the subtle thoughts of men." Although this conference effected some good in correcting many misapprehensions and errors, as well as for a while putting an end to the violent polemical writings, yet no union had been brought about in the matter of the Lord's Supper. The schism remained, and grew more incurable in future days. Meetings were again held in Rotach, Schwabach, Smalkald, and in Nuremberg, in the beginning of the year 1530, in order to bring about a union with the upper Germans. But they would not forsake their opinion, and the Elector, who believed Luther's doctrine, could not induce himself to enter into a league with his opponents. Besides this, the latter were so far removed from the Catholics in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, that it was not to be hoped that they would be received when united. However, the Landgrave, whose purpose to unite the Reformed, especially the four upper German cities, with the Lutherans, had so far been frustrated, did not relinquish all hope of final success. He made repeated efforts. Thus a meeting was held in Schwabach in October, 1529. Luther had prepared seventeen articles, one of which expressed the true presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament. But they could not unite here, nor in the Conferences at Smalkald in November, and Nuremberg, in January, 1530.

Thus, while the Catholics were banded together to inflict deadly blows upon the Protestants, these were separated into two parties; and if we add the sects, into a number of parties. But now every eye was directed to the Diet of Augsburg, at which the cause of the Protestants was to be considered again. All were in anxious expectation to see what the Emperor would do. And on this occasion it was reserved for Melanchthon to produce a work which should not only excite attention in Augsburg, but which decided and secured the lawful position of the Evangelical Church. However, Melanchthon was not in the most joyous frame of mind at this time. He thus expresses this in a letter to Camerarius: "Not a day passes in which I do not wish that I might leave this world."

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.

The Turks, who had advanced victoriously as far as Vienna, met with so determined a resistance at the hands of the brave hero PHILIP of the Palatinate, that they were obliged to retreat. Thus the danger which threatened the Emperor from the East was lessened. He had resumed peaceful relations with King FRANCIS of France, and was also reconciled to the Pope, and had been crowned by him. He now had abundant opportunity to attend to the religious difficulties, and, as he hoped, to bring them to a happy conclusion. It is very true that Pope Clemens would hear nothing of it, when he informed him that it would be necessary to hold a general council, and that he intended to summon a Diet on this account. Clemens, in his reply, declared, that religious difficulties must be brought before the Bishop of Rome, and that he in every case had a right to convene a General Council. He demanded power of arms to suppress the dissatisfaction reigning in Germany, and said: "There is no other way for you but to restore peace by your arms." Of course Charles would not agree to this. He insisted upon a Diet, and said: "We must hear both sides, and then pronounce sentence, not according to our tyrannical pleasure, but according to the law and doctrine given us by God."

On the 21st of January, 1530, the necessary imperial documents were dispatched from Bologna to Germany, fixing the meeting of the Diet for the 8th of April, in Augsburg. Besides deliberating concerning assistance against the Turks, they would also consider "what might be done and resolved in reference to the errors and schism in our holy faith and the Christian religion." The imperial proclamation was couched in very mild terms, yet the Evangelical party entertained unfounded fears that the Emperor would now assume a more hostile attitude. The Landgrave Philip of Hesse even considered it dangerous to attend the Diet. We are already acquainted with this man, who was not at all disinclined to divide the Gordian knot with the sword. But the Elector John was of a different opinion, and besides this, consulted his Theologians in this important matter. They expressed themselves most decidedly against an armed resistance. Luther gave his opinion to the Elector as early as the 6th of March. Melanchthon added a preface. On the 14th of March an electoral decree was sent to Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon, which called upon them to prepare a list of the principal points of difference in matters of Faith, and the customs of the Church, so that it might be known how far they might go at the approaching Diet. They selected the 17 so called articles of Torgau, which were formerly called the articles of Schwabach, and had been prepared by Luther. They constitute the basis of the Augsburg Confession. On March 21, the Theologians were commanded to meet the Elector in Torgau. Here in Torgau, these Theologians assembled in the parsonage, and presented this matter to God, with prayers and sighs.

On one occasion, Melanchthon arose, sad and weary, having been called out by a messenger. When he had dismissed the messenger, he retired to his room. Here he found the wives and children of the Pastor, and his two chaplains. Some of these children were being suckled, whilst others were being examined in the Catechism and Prayer. When Master Philip saw this, he stood still for a little while, looking on and listening with great surprise as the little children are praying with stammering tongues, and he thinks of the words of the Psalmist: "Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise." He is especially moved by beholding the wife of one of the chaplains suckling one child, and at the same time cutting turnips for her husband's dinner, whilst another child is repeating its prayers to her. When Philip saw this, he exclaimed: "Oh! what a holy and God-pleasing work!" He goes in again to the Theologians, joyous and comforted. Dr. Luther asked him how he came to enter so pleasantly, after having gone out in such sadness. Then Melanchthon replied: "My clear Sirs, let us not be so faint-hearted, for I have just now seen those who shall fight for us, who protect us, and who are and shall remain invincible in all violence." Dr. Luther inquired who these mighty heroes were? Philip replied: "The wives and little children of our Pastor and his chaplains, whose prayer is now heard, and which God will not leave unanswered, even as our faithful God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ has not despised this their prayer up to the present time." This filled the Theologians with great joy, so that they remained firmly in the truth, and bore witness of the same. And the result proved that faith and prayer will always gain the victory. The Elector was pleased with these articles, and commissioned Melanchthon to arrange them in a proper manner, and also to write an introduction to them.

While they were thus deliberating, the emperor was still delaying his coming, and they were thus kept in the greatest suspense. It was reported that the notorious Cajetan was accompanying the Emperor as the legate of the Pope. Melanchthon says of him: "He is a foolish and insolent man, with whom you cannot do anything." But this report, as so many others circulated at this time, was not corroborated. The Elector had sent JOHN VON DOLTZIG to the imperial court, who returned with the order that all preaching in Augsburg should be stopped. We already know what Luther thought of this. Melanchthon entertained the same opinion. But the Elector, and his chancellor BR?CK, were unwilling to obey this prohibition, and protested against it. At last, the Emperor decided that no preacher, no matter who he might be, should be permitted to preach in Augsburg, without being appointed to do so by the Emperor himself. When the Lutherans in Augsburg were likewise deliberating what they should do, if they should be forbidden to eat meat on certain days, if spiritual jurisdiction should be demanded again, and they should desire to re-establish convents, and the like, Melanchthon delivered his written opinion to the Elector. He was in favor of yielding, but opposed the re-establishment of convents.

The conduct of the Landgrave Philip, of Hesse, grieved him exceedingly; for he was very anxious to bring about a union between the Lutherans and the Swiss. For this purpose, he had previously brought about the Conference at Marburg, without, however, accomplishing his purpose in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. He still entertained thoughts of a union. On this account, Melanchthon wrote to Luther, May 22: "I entreat you most earnestly to write to the Landgrave, and to exhort him, that he should not burden his conscience by defending any false doctrine." In addition to this, Melanchthon and Brenz also addressed a letter to the Landgrave, and justified themselves for not being able to unite with the Zwinglians. The Landgrave replied in very temperate language, insisting upon treating the Zwinglians as brethren, without, however, being able to shake the opinions of the two theologians. The Catholics knew very well that such divisions had arisen in the Evangelical camp. It will always remain a subject of regret that no union could be brought about. Melanchthon and Brenz declared: "We have such articles, of which, by the grace of God, we are certain, and are able to suffer for them with a good conscience, which is indeed a source of great comfort in every danger; but we cannot be certain of the Zwinglian doctrine, as it is called, for we have no clear word of God for it."

Relying upon the word of God, they could indeed calmly await coming events. At last the Emperor, who had delayed so long, arrived in Augsburg. He made his public entrance on the 15th of June. Not Cajetan, but the smoother Campegius, accompanied the Emperor, as the Pope's legate. We may well suppose that this public entrance was very magnificent. The following day was the festival of Corpus Christi. As the evangelical princes could not conscientiously take a part in this festival, which celebrated a doctrine which they rejected most decidedly, they took no part in the procession. They declared to the Emperor, who insisted upon their attendance: "They could not conscientiously before God, comply with this demand, because this procession was made a species of worship." The princes at first expressed themselves in the most decided manner, against the Emperor's demand that the preaching should be stopped. The Margrave George even said, before the Emperor: "Rather than deny my God and his Gospel, I would kneel down here before your Imperial Majesty, and have my head cut off." The Emperor replied, in his defective German, "Not head off, not head off." However, as the Emperor had prohibited preaching to both parties, and had reserved the right to appoint preachers for himself, the Lutherans could not complain any longer, especially as their theologians advised peaceful measures. The day preceding the opening of the Diet, Melanchthon wrote to his friend Camerarius, that the Confession would be more moderate than the ungodliness of their enemies deserved. He had only insisted upon the principal matters, and restored spiritual jurisdiction entirely to the bishops. That many, indeed, were dissatisfied with this; but that he would be willing to accept even more stringent conditions, if peace might be attained by these means. He continues: "After Mercurinus is dead, there is no one of any consequence at Court, who is inclined to peace. He had gained over a Spanish secretary, who promised well, and had already spoken to the Emperor and Campegius; but all lies in the hands of God. Pray to Christ that he may grant peace. Not only are we forbidden to preach, but our adversaries also. However, the Emperor, by his imperial power, will appoint a preacher who shall only read the mere text of the gospel and Epistle. In this you may observe the wonderful wisdom of the courtiers." Concerning the prospects of the Diet, Luther thus strikingly expresses himself towards Agricola: "Truly, you are not merely to contend with men in Augsburg, but with the gates of Hell." And again: "The Lord Jesus, who has sent you all thither to be his witnesses and servants, and for whose sake you expose your necks, be with you, and testify unto you by his Spirit, that you may know with certainty, and may not doubt, that you are his witnesses. This faith will strengthen and comfort you, for you are the ambassadors of a great King. These are true words. Amen." Such courageous faith should have filled all the Lutherans, and Melanchthon in particular.

At last, on the 20th of June, the Diet was opened by the celebration of Mass, by the Archbishop of Mentz. The Papal orator, Pimpinelli, made the address. Afterwards they proceeded to the town-hall, where the Imperial demands were proclaimed, first against the Turks, then in matters of religion. In reference to the last point, the Emperor expressed his regret that the previous Imperial resolutions had not been carried out. Nevertheless, the States should express their sentiments in matters of religion in Latin and German declarations. Melanchthon, filled with excessive alarm, believed this important matter might be brought to a favorable conclusion by private efforts. It was not a good plan; however, he adopted it. Among the retainers of the Emperor was a secretary named ALPHONSUS WALDESIUS. This Spaniard seems to have been a shrewd man. He entered into communication with Melanchthon, and revealed his views of the Lutherans as they were regarded in Spain. It was thought there that they did not believe in a God, or the Holy Trinity, or Christ, or Mary; so that the people of Spain thought they could not serve God better than by killing a Lutheran. Melanchthon replied somewhat to the following effect: "The Lutheran cause is not so tedious and awkward as it may have been represented to his Imperial Majesty; and that the principal difficulty was concerning the articles, of the two forms in the Sacrament, of priests and monks, marriage and the mass; because the Lutherans considered solitary masses sinful. If these articles should be conceded, he believed that ways and means might be found to settle all the rest." Soon after he was informed by the Imperial secretary that the Emperor was pleased to hear this, and had commanded that he should make a very brief statement of the Lutheran articles, and deliver it to him. The Emperor also believed that it would be most advisable to settle the matter quietly; for public trials and quarrelsome disputations were only productive of ill-will, and not of unity.

Melanchthon expressed himself ready to reflect upon this subject; but neither the Elector nor Chancellor Br?ck would permit the matter to be disposed of in this way. He was merely permitted to show the Confession, which, as Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, the Secretary Waldesius found "entirely too bitter for the opponents to endure it."

As they could not and would not take the by-way of silence, the Emperor suddenly, on the 22d of June, appointed Friday, June 24th, for the delivery of the Evangelical Confession. This short time greatly perplexed the Lutherans, because Melanchthon still wished to make further corrections, and the Introduction also was wanting. In order that this might be in the proper form, Chancellor Br?ck assisted him. The Theologians, assembled to deliberate. Nine princes and cities signed the German copy of the Confession; and because they had no further time to spare, they took Melanchthon's manuscript as the Latin copy. The 24th of June arrived, but it being too late, the reading of the Confession could only take place on the following day, Saturday, June 25, 1530.

This day, which has become one of the most important in the History of the Evangelical Church, came at last. Spalatin says: "One of the greatest deeds ever accomplished in the world has been done this day." The Emperor and his brother Ferdinand, Princes and States of the Empire, and distinguished Ecclesiastics, were there assembled, to listen to the reading of the Confession of Faith. The Saxon Chancellor read the German Confession so loudly and distinctly, that it was not only heard in the hall, but also in the court, where a great multitude was assembled. It contained two parts, the first including all the doctrines of Faith, the other the disputed articles. On account of our limited space, we shall but briefly touch upon the different articles, as every one, especially every Lutheran, should be most intimately acquainted with the Confession of his Church. We have more need of it at this time than formerly, for the ancient errors arise with renewed vigor, and may easily shake one who is uncertain in his belief.

Luther was regularly informed of the progress of events. He indeed was deeply interested, and secretly, by the help of God's hand, ruled the Diet. As Moses prayed, and had his sinking arms supported during the battle between the Israelites and their enemies, so Luther prayed in his castle of Coburg. He who sitteth in the heavens alone knows what influence he exerted. It would have been well for Melanchthon had he possessed such strong faith, and such a mighty spirit of prayer. But he looked too much to men, their power and their craftiness. And for this he was rewarded by complaints and sighs, but he did not conceal his sorrows from his paternal friend in Coburg. Through this, Luther opened the depth and power of his faith, and permitted the flame to spread even to Augsburg, that Melanchthon's heart might be encouraged. His precious letters should be read at length in the history of his own life; here we can only communicate extracts. June 26th, he wrote: "I heartily hate your great care, which, as you write, weakens you. That it increases so greatly in your heart, is not owing to the greatness of our cause, but is the fault of our great unbelief. Why do you thus unceasingly trouble yourself? If our cause is wrong, let us recant; but if it is right, why do we make God a liar in such great promises, because he bids us be of good cheer and satisfied? You are troubled thus by your philosophy, and not by your theology. The same also greatly vexes your friend Joachim; just as if you could accomplish anything by your useless cares. What more can the devil do than to kill us?" On the same day, Melanchthon sent a dejected letter to Coburg: "We are here constantly in the greatest trouble, and shed tears continually, which has been aggravated by still greater distress to-day, when we read M. Veit's letters, in which he informs us that you are so highly displeased with us that you would not even read our letters. My dear father, I do not wish to increase my sorrow by many words, but would only ask you to consider where and in what great danger we now are, having no other comfort but your own encouragement. The sophists and monks are running daily, and making every effort to excite the Emperor against us." He prays that Luther would read and answer his letters. On the following day already, June 27th, another letter from the afflicted one followed this. He says: "At no time have we stood in greater need of your advice and encouragement than at this time, as we have followed you, as our head, in the most dangerous cause up to the present time. Therefore, I also pray, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, that you would take our part. Christ permitted himself to be awakened in the vessel when it was in danger. Now, truly, we are in still greater danger here, in which nothing worse could happen to us all than if you should forsake us." He also said: "I have written to you before, that you should inform me, if necessary, how much we may yield to our adversaries." On the 29th of June an answer arrived from Coburg, in which, among other things, we read this: "I have received your Apology, and I am wondering what you mean, that you desire to know what and how much we may yield to the Papists? According to my opinion, too much is already conceded to them in the Apology. If they will not accept this, I do not know what I could yield further, unless I see their arguments and clearer Scripture than I have seen hitherto." He expressed himself most decidedly against being called "head," by Philip: "I wish to have no name, wish not to command, and do not wish to be called Author. You are troubled about the beginning and end of this matter, because you cannot understand it. But I say so much: If you could understand it, I should not like to have anything to do with the matter, much less would I be a head or beginner. God has set it in a place which you can neither reach by your rhetoric nor by your philosophy. That place is called Faith, in which are all things that we cannot see or understand. Whoever wishes to make these things visible, open, and comprehensible, as you do, will get sorrow and weeping for his pains, even as you have against our will." As he was closing the letter, he reflected that Melanchthon might think he had received little in reply to his question, what and how much should be conceded to their opponents. On this account he added this: "You have not asked sufficiently, and have not clearly stated what you think they will ask of us. I am ready, as I have always written to you, to yield up everything to them, if they will only leave the Gospel free. But whatever opposes the Gospel I cannot allow. What other answer can I give?" From such an apostolical faith, several other letters flowed to the friends in Augsburg, and particularly to Melanchthon, who truly needed such a mode of address more and more.

After the Confession had been presented to the Emperor, different opinions were held by their enemies as to the course that must now be pursued. Faber, Campegius, and others of like stamp who endeavored to influence the Emperor, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms. Others wished the Confession to be examined by impartial men, whilst others again demanded a written refutation of the Confession. The last opinion prevailed. But at the same time it was also declared that the Emperor should decide in this matter, in default of which the whole should be postponed until the calling of a General Council. In regard to this latter point, Luther wrote to Melanchthon on the 9th of July: "You see that our cause is now in the same position as it was with me in Worms, namely, that they require us to accept the Emperor as Judge. Thus does the devil ever fiddle upon one string, and the old conjurer has nothing he can oppose to Christ but this single helpless weapon." Notwithstanding all these exhortations, Melanchthon was still anxiously engaged in finding a middle path. Thus he considered it advisable to write to Cardinal Campegius, in order to lead to thoughts of peace. He did not reflect that this man, although of a smooth exterior, was nevertheless a viper, swollen with venom. The crafty Roman endeavored to instil the most odious thoughts into the mind of the Emperor. This evil, he remarked, could be cured. The Emperor should unite himself with the well-meaning princes, and change the sentiments of the others by promises or threats. But what is to be done if they remain obstinate? We have the right to destroy these poisonous plants with fire and sword. If we have gained the mastery over them, we can appoint holy inquisitors, the University of Wittenberg can be excommunicated, the books of the heretics can be burned, and the like. It was needful to strike a decisive blow in the beginning.

Melanchthon had frequent interviews with the cardinal after this, especially, as the Protestant princes believed, that they might accomplish some good in this way. It is true, some have maintained, that Melanchthon was willing to agree to a base accommodation; but this cannot be proved. However, this much is certain, that all mediations were ineffectual. How true is Luther's word in a letter to Melanchthon, on the 13th of July: "I should think, dear master Philip, that you have by this time sufficiently learned by your own experience, that Christ and Belial cannot be united by any means whatever, and that no unity in religion is to be thought of."

At last, the views of the more moderate prevailed, that a delegation should be appointed by both sides, in order to effect a compromise. On the 6th of August, several Catholic princes and bishops assembled to agree upon the points of convention. On the following day, the Elector JOACHIM, of Brandenburg, informed the Lutherans that they should drop their erroneous views, and no longer separate themselves from the Catholic Church. Even if there were some abuses, they might be done away with by the assistance of the Pope. And now ensued answers and replies in great number. The Lutherans would not entertain the yielding propositions of Melanchthon, who believed that unity in doctrine might be secured, and only wished to insist upon the two kinds--marriage of the priests, and the Evangelical mass. The Evangelical states declared that they did not intend to retreat from the word of God, although they were inclined to maintain peace and harmony. Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, was not at all satisfied with this course of things. He was opposed to yielding in the slightest degree, and said to his counsellors, in a letter dated August 24th: "If the Papists wish to remain sitting in their devil's roses, and will not permit the pure preaching of the truth of the gospel, nor freedom of marriage, nor the Sacraments according to Christ's institution, why then you shall not yield one hair's-breadth. Much less still are we to allow the jurisdiction of the bishops, because they do not permit the gospel to be preached nor practised in their dominions." And because he hated the yielding of Melanchthon, he added: "Stop the game of that subtle philosopher, Philip!"

Although they agreed in many points of doctrine, there were others, such as Justification, Repentance, &c., in which they could not agree; and when they came to the abuses, their opponents would not allow the two kinds, the marriage of priests and the mass. There were in all 14 points on which they could not unite. On August 22, Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "Yesterday we finished the Conference, or rather dispute, before the Commissioners." After having referred to the opposition to Justification, satisfaction, the merit of good works, and the two kinds in the Sacrament, he thus concludes: "I do not know where this will end; for, although peace is also necessary to our enemies, yet it seems to me that some do not consider what great danger there will be, if this matter ends in war. We proposed very reasonable conditions; we have given authority and jurisdiction to the Bishops, and have promised that we would re-establish the usual ceremonies. I do not know what we shall accomplish by it. Pray to Christ to preserve us."

Luther was not satisfied with these compromises, and among other things replied thus: "Summa Summarum, I do not like it at all that you are endeavoring to treat of Unity of doctrine, because this is entirely impossible, unless the Pope is willing to abolish the entire papacy. It would have been sufficient for us to have shown the reasons of our faith, and to have demanded peace. But how can we hope to convert them to the truth?" And concluded thus: "Why do we not perceive that all they are attempting is mere deception and fraud? For you are not able to say that their acts are prompted by the Holy Ghost; for they have neither Repentance, Faith, nor the fear of God. But may the Lord, who began this matter, finish his work in you; to him I heartily commend you."

On the 24th of August, a sub-committee met, in which only Melanchthon and Eck were to meet each other. But upon this occasion Melanchthon took a bolder and more decided stand, and wrote to Luther on the following day: "Our mildness only makes these proud fellows more stubborn. I cannot tell you how they triumph. If I were attending to these matters on my account, and not in the name of the prince, I would by no means endure this insolence. But now I must endure all, because of the common danger of princes and subjects. The spirits of our friends are at times depressed, and again unseasonably brave. However, I trust we shall do nothing against the Gospel." He also sent two other letters, in which he spoke of the mass, which the Papists demanded. Luther replied that they could not consent, and says in his letter of August 28, "Would to God that I might soon see you again, whether you had departed secretly or publicly. You have even done more than enough. And now it is time for the Lord to act in the matter, and he will do it. Be of good cheer, and trust in him." And further on: "You have confessed Christ; you have offered peace; you have been obedient to the Emperor; you have patiently borne much contempt; have been overwhelmed with shame and abuse; and have not returned evil for evil. Summa, you have managed this holy work in a proper manner, as it became saints. Rejoice in the Lord, and be joyous, ye righteous. You have been sad and afflicted long enough in this world; look up, and lift up your heads; I promise heaven to you, as faithful members of Christ. What greater honor do you desire? Is it so small a matter to serve the Lord Jesus faithfully, and to have proved yourselves faithful members of Christ? Far be it from us, that the Grace of Christ should be so lightly esteemed by you. I await your return with great anxiety, so that I may wipe away your sweat after this."

All these efforts, as might have been foreseen, did not effect peace, so that the committee adjourned August 30, and Melanchthon wrote to Luther September 1: "Three days ago we brought our Conference to a conclusion. We would not accept the proposed terms of Union on the subjects of the one kind in the Sacrament, of the Canon of Private Masses, and also of the Celibacy of the Priesthood. Now the matter has again been laid before the Emperor, and I do not know what will be done. Let us only pray God that he may influence the heart of the Emperor to maintain peace, which we need so much, and not we alone, but all Germany. You cannot believe how the Nurembergers and others hate me on account of the restoration of Jurisdiction to the Bishops. In this manner do our friends merely contend for power, and not for the Gospel. A certain friend wrote: If the Pope had bribed me with never so much money, I could not have invented a better plan to restore the papal supremacy than the one we have taken appears to the people. Yet I have not, up to this time, dropped or given up a single article of doctrine."

Although Melanchthon did really not give up a single doctrinal point, he was yet justly to be blamed for wishing to restore jurisdiction to the Bishops. How soon would they have suppressed the true doctrine! Jerome Baumg?rtner, otherwise a friend of Melanchthon, expresses himself very strongly in regard to him: "Philippus has become more childish than a child;" and calls upon Spengler: "You will do your part, and write to Dr. Martin Luther, that he, as the one by whom God first again revealed his word to the world, should put a stop to Philip's course, and should warn the pious princes, and especially his own sovereign, against him, and exhort them to be steadfast. For no man has done more harm to the Gospel during this Diet, up to the present day, than Philip." This judgment is indeed too severe; and Baumg?rtner, at a later period, himself repented of having formed so severe a judgment. It is true, also, that Melanchthon did not only defend Episcopal jurisdiction during the Diet of Augsburg, but has also expressed his approbation of it in a number of places. He did this for the sake of order in the Church.

On the 19th of November, the final general decree of the Diet was published. It was very severe, for it condemned everything taught by the Lutherans in opposition to the Roman Church; it confounds them with the Anabaptists, and commands that all innovations in doctrine and practice shall be abolished, and the former state of things re-established. The Protestants did not sign it. Thus a division between the Catholic and Evangelical states was fully accomplished.

THE POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY AFTER THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.

The severe decree of the Diet, which even threatened violence, was at least productive of this good result, that it united the Evangelical party more closely. Whereas the theologians, especially Melanchthon, had formerly dissuaded from resistance to the Emperor, matters now took a very different turn. In view of the threatening attitude of the Catholics, the theologians perceived very well that it was necessary to be prepared for defence; and Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, January 1st, 1531, that they were seldom asked the question now, whether it was right to wage war, and that they did not dissuade from preparation. "For there may be many needful and just causes for defence." One of these causes was the threatening language of the decree of the Diet of Augsburg. The election of the Emperor's brother FERDINAND, as King of Rome, which was strongly urged and accomplished by the Emperor, was another threatening event, although Melanchthon defended it in a special opinion, delivered December 12, 1530. He referred to similar cases in former times. During the month of December of this year, the Evangelical states united more closely, and formed a league, March 29, 1531. Both Conferences were held in SMALKALD. The confederates declared that they had united "for the honor of Almighty God, and the better growth and prosperity of divine free doctrines, and to gain and maintain a Christian and harmonious peace," yet "only for mutual defence and preservation." This league, therefore, neither contemplated an attack, nor war. The Emperor, who was obliged to have his eyes directed to more than one point, and particularly against the Turks, whose Sultan, SOLYMAN, had already declared that he would soon be master of Hungary, and the whole of Germany, considered it most advisable to conciliate, under existing circumstances. The Electors of the Palatinate and of Mentz, acted as mediators.

While Melanchthon had before this time been filled with the most anxious apprehensions, so that he feared the worst, he now said in a letter to Camerarius, when he heard of this mediation: "May God regard the sighs and tears of the distressed among us, and grant us peace!" This wish seemed about to be fulfilled, when the Emperor in Nuremberg made preparations for a Religious Peace. Melanchthon, Luther, and other Theologians, expressed their approbation in a written opinion.

While the Evangelical party was held in an attitude of suspense, they could still cultivate and spread the cause of the Lord. It increased in popularity, and spread more and more. The Reformers, and Melanchthon particularly, did not omit to labor in their official capacity and by their writings. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, already mentioned, is one of Philip's master-pieces; and as one of the Confessions of our Church, deserves to be studied and taken to heart. He concludes its Preface in the following words: "We have, thanks be unto God! the testimony of many distinguished, honest, sincere, and pious persons, who heartily thank God for his unspeakable gifts and mercies, that they have received far more correct, certain and clearer instruction in the most needful portions of the entire Scriptures, as well as consolation for their consciences, than is to be found in all the books of our adversaries. Therefore, should this discovered, clear truth be trodden under the feet of men, we commend our cause to Christ and God in heaven, who is the Father of widows and orphans, and the Judge of all the forsaken; he, we know with certainty, will consider this matter, and judge righteously; and thou, Lord Jesus, it is thy holy Gospel, it is thy cause: wilt thou regard so many troubled hearts and consciences, thy churches and little flocks, which suffer terror and distress from the devil, and also preserve and establish thy truth? Bring to nought all hypocrisy and lies, and thus give peace and unity, that thy honor may advance, and thy kingdom may flourish and increase without ceasing against the gates of hell."

In September, 1532, he published a new edition of his explanation of the Epistle to the Romans. It is a matter of great surprise that he dedicated this volume to Archbishop Albert of Mentz, who had not gained much honor in the matter of indulgences. This man is reported to have trampled the book beneath his feet, and to have said: "The man is possessed by St. Valentine." But it is well known that he sent a very costly present to the scholar at Wittenberg, for which Melanchthon, who regarded it as sincere, returned his most friendly thanks January 5th, 1533. He enjoyed so great a reputation as a scholar, that even the Archbishop of Mentz, who wished to be considered a patron of the arts and sciences, saw himself compelled to do honor to Melanchthon. His distinguished reputation elicited repeated invitations from abroad. It was, no doubt, not a very difficult matter for him to decline a call to Poland, in the year 1534; but it must have been difficult when Duke Ulrich of W?rtemberg, who had been banished from his dukedom for a long time, but had now regained it by the help of the landgrave Philip of Hesse, invited Melanchthon to reform the University of T?bingen according to the principles of the Reformation. But his attachment to Saxony, and his field of labor there, was so great, that he declined this call from W?rtemberg. The Elector was so highly pleased with this, that he himself wrote a letter to his Professor, praising him for his fidelity, and assuring him of his favor.

THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, AND MELANCHTHON.

When Melanchthon, therefore, applied again for leave, a severe decree of the Elector was handed to him, in which he was told that he should not, as a good subject, have meddled in this matter, without the knowledge of the Elector. No good, but rather evil, was to be expected from such a journey. "But if, over and above all these considerations, you think that you cannot omit this journey conscientiously, we must in such a case suffer you to take your own way, and to gratify your own will; and it remains for you to decide what you will do under these circumstances." The Elector also sent a letter of apology to King Francis, stating why he could not, under present circumstances, permit Philip to go. But at some future time, if Philip's services could be dispensed with, and the present difficulties and apprehensions should cease, he would permit him to visit France.

On the 28th of August, Melanchthon himself wrote to King Francis, expressing his regrets that he was not permitted to visit France at this time, and praying the King most earnestly not to suffer himself to be led, by the severe judgments and writings of some persons, to destroy things that were really good and useful for the Church. He also excused himself in letters to BELLAY the Minister, and to JOHN STURM, and expressed himself in rather strong terms in regard to the Elector. To Camerarius, to whom he was in the habit of opening his whole heart, he wrote, August 31, that he feared that the prince had been estranged from him by the efforts of evil-minded persons; and in a letter to Spalatin, he said: "His most serene Highness prevents me from taking a journey to France. And besides this, he gave me a very severe reply, although I am willing to stay at home, and take no delight in these French Conferences." This caused him great sorrow for several weeks, until he met the Elector in October, and saw that he was as friendly towards him as ever. He was also more and more convinced in his own mind that his journey to France would not have accomplished the good he expected. Francis was a politician, and he merely regarded religion as a means to gratify his ambition. For when the Sorbonne in Paris pronounced Melanchthon's opinion heretical, he fully agreed with this sentence.

THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD.

About the 12th of December, Melanchthon travelled to Cassel, to negotiate a Form of Concord with Bucer. Bucer had a short time before met with several ministers from upper Germany, in Constance, who fully coincided in his views of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave took a deep interest in the matter, and treated the Wittenberg envoy in the most friendly manner. Here Bucer, with the upper Germans, expressed his opinion to the following effect:--"That we receive the body of Christ essentially and truly when we receive the Sacrament, and that bread and wine are signs, with which, when they are dispensed and received, the body of Christ is given and received at the same time." He further said, "that the body and the bread are thus united, not by a mingling of their essence, but as a Sacrament, and that which is given together with the Sacrament." With a doctrine thus approximating, together with the declaration, that the opposite side would abide by the Augsburg Confession and its Apology, Melanchthon returned from Cassel January 9th, 1535. Luther was highly pleased with it, so that he remarked: "As for my own person, I do not know how I could reject such a Form of Concord." Yet he advised that this Concord should not be finally arranged at once, but that it would be best to wait a while longer, because these differences were so great and wide-spread. We must notice here that Melanchthon returned in favor of Bucer's views. He shows this very distinctly in a letter to Camerarius; and in a letter to Brenz, who was opposed to a Concord, he remarked, that they were not treating with persons who denied the Trinity and other articles. With such he would have nothing to do, but would look upon them as persons who ought to be condemned. He confesses the true presence to him, yet with a leaning towards Bucer, and remarks that uniformity could be brought about. Letters arrived from every side, declaring how gladly all would unite with the Wittenbergers in the Lord's Supper. So also did they write from Augsburg, to whom Luther wrote: "If this Form of Concord is established, I will sing with tears of joy: Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace. For I will leave peace in the Church, that is, the glory of God, the punishment of the devil, and vengeance upon all enemies and adversaries." Such encouraging letters also came from Strasburg, Ulm, and Esslingen, which filled Luther with great joy. He remarked to the Strasburgers, that it would also be necessary to interest the princes and cities in this matter. As to the time, it would scarcely be possible to hold the conference before next Easter. The Elector would be requested to appoint the place of meeting. He also expressed his cordial wishes to the preacher, Shelling, in Strasburg, towards the close of December: "I have received your letter with pleasure, and assure you that I am just as anxious for the Concord as I observe you to be. Let Him bear witness whom no one can deceive. Therefore pray God, as we also do, that this union, which, thanks to God, is prospering better and better, may at last be fully established. May God not be merciful to me, if anything is wanting on my part, or if I lay difficulties in the way; so anxious am I that peace should be restored to the Church before my death." Melanchthon had written to the ministers in Augsburg: "I would willingly endanger my life to promote this Concord, and I trust that the way is already prepared for it. May Christ rule and guide the designs of the godly." Thus the two leaders were warmly in favor of the Form of Concord. The place was also appointed, the Elector selecting EISENACH. But all at once, Melanchthon began to fear that greater divisions might be brought about by this conference, as he writes to the Landgrave of Hesse in April: "Now I have all the time feared, if this should be held at this time, that some rigorous individuals might attend, and thus more disunion and offence than improvement would be the consequence." He then goes on to say that no negotiations should be undertaken without the presence of the Landgrave and the other princes and States, and that, on the whole, too great haste should be avoided. His concern may have been caused by an epistle sent forth at this time by Zwingli and Oecolampadius, which could not promote unity. This was prefaced too by a letter of Bucer, who praised these men on account of their orthodoxy. On this account Melanchthon was so anxious, and feared that it would only increase discord. "This disease," he wrote to Veit Dietrich on the 15th of May, "cannot be healed suddenly. But I beseech God in mercy to look upon the Church, and to deliver it from all offences."

Notwithstanding all this, the Conference was held. But because Luther suffered great bodily pain at this time, and could not go to Eisenach, he proposed Grimma, which was nearer. Melanchthon was already on the way thither, when Bucer, with his friends Capito and Wohlfahrt, called Lycosthenes, arrived in Wittenberg, May 21, 1536.

Thus was the concord established with the gracious assistance of God. It caused great joy among the Lutherans in every quarter, and declarations of approbation were sent to Wittenberg from many sides, and even the Swiss partially acceded to it. All were of course not satisfied; for instance, Amsdorf, who was not at all pleased with the Form of Concord. But Melanchthon rejoiced most of all; for he now discovered that the fears which had troubled him so much were groundless. He from henceforth continued to abide by the Wittenberg Form of Concord.

RECREATION AND TROUBLE.

After the completion of this work, Melanchthon felt desirous of carrying out a plan of a journey for recreation, which he had formed a long time before. Whither did he wish to go? To no other place but his home. He therefore, on the 17th of July, 1536, addressed a petition to the Elector: "I would, in all humility, inform your Electoral Grace, that there are some matters in which my poor children are also concerned, which I ought to settle with my brother, and which cannot be done through other persons, or by letter. In addition to this, Magister Camerarius, who is now dangerously ill, has expressed a strong desire to see me. I would therefore humbly pray your Grace to grant me, and Magister Milichius, whose father has earnestly entreated him to visit him, leave of absence to visit our homes for about five weeks." Already on the following day, he and Milichius received a gracious permission from the Elector, and also at the same time permission to make use of a one-horse carriage belonging to the Elector.

While he was thus pouring forth his sorrows, he himself was threatened with a great trial in Wittenberg. A preacher named Conrad Cordatus, of Niemegk, a zealous adherent of Luther, had been present at a lecture, delivered by Cruciger towards the end of July, 1536. In this, Cruciger expressed the opinion that in the article of Justification, good works are the condition, without which we cannot be saved. Cordatus was greatly and properly shocked at this, for such a form of expression was totally opposed to the doctrine of the Lutheran Church. In the following month he wrote to Cruciger, to call him to account, on account of this wrong doctrine. The professor did not reply. Cordatus wrote again, threatening that he would not be silent until he should hear a recantation of this heresy. If this should not be done, he would apply to the theological faculty for a decision. He also said that there were many trifling Theologians in Wittenberg, who would rather read and hear the dead Erasmus than the living Luther. Now Cruciger replied, and defended his views. On the 17th of September, Cordatus came to Wittenberg, and visited Cruciger. He here heard that what he had read concerning the Gospel of John was the work of Melanchthon, who, as Ratzeberger relates, in a manner composed their lectures for the professors. "For no labor was distasteful to Philip, and he served every one cheerfully." The next day Cordatus went to Luther, and presented the whole matter to him. Luther replied: "You are not the first to inform me of this. Michael Stiefel and Amsdorf have already asked me about it." It is not known how much more was spoken and resolved, although it seems that Luther labored to suppress the difficulty. Melanchthon's journey of recreation was not a little embittered, for he received the news of this occurrence in Wittenberg. Even while yet upon the road he found it necessary to write to Luther, Bugenhagen, Jonas, and Cruciger, in which he at length justifies his manner of teaching. He says: "I never wished, and in this particular point of dispute, I have never taught anything else but what you all together unite in teaching." He declared that many had fallen into the opinion, especially on account of this proposition--"We are justified by faith alone," that we are justified by the new life, or the gifts communicated to us.

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