Read Ebook: Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 2 of 7 by Thurston Edgar Rangachari K Contributor

Font size: 10 px 15 px 20 px 25 px 30 px 35 px

Background color: BlackWhiteGrayLight GrayDark GrayDim Gray

Text color: BlackWhiteGrayLight GrayDark GrayDim Gray

Apply/Save settings

Ebook has 413 lines and 31026 words, and 9 pages

ached to it. The mother-in-law of the bridegroom now stands ready at the gate, and, on his arrival, places a garland of flowers round his neck. The new cloths are then presented by the Vatti and his wife to the bridegroom and bride respectively, after some tender cocoanut leaves, emblematic of the established occupation of the caste, are thrust into the bridegroom's waist by the headman of the village. In former days, a sword took the place of these leaves. The minnu is then tied round the neck of the bride, and all parties, including the parent or guardian, give presents to the bridegroom. The day's ceremony is then over, and the bridegroom remains at the house of the bride. The string is removed from the bride's wrist by the Vatti on the fourth day, and the couple bathe. More than one girl may have the tali tied at the same time, provided that there are separate bridegrooms for them. Only boys from the families of Machchampis can become tali-tiers.

The sambandham of North and Central Travancore differs from that of South Travancore in some material respects. In the former, on the appointed day, the bridegroom, who is a different person from the tali-tier, accompanied by his relations and friends, arrives at the bride's house, and the guardian of the former offers a sum of money to the guardian of the latter. A suit of clothes, with ten chuckrams or ten rasis , is presented by the bridegroom to the bride, who stands in a room within and receives it, being afterwards dressed by his sister. The money goes by right to her mother, and is known as Ammayippanam. Now comes the time for the departure of the bride to her husband's house, when she receives from her guardian a nut-cracker, lime-can, a dish filled with rice, and a mat. A red cloth is thrown over her head, and a few members accompany the party for some distance. In South Travancore, the bridegroom is accompanied, besides others, by a companion, who asks in the midst of the assembly whether they assent to the proposed alliance, and, on their favourable reply, hands over a sum of money as an offering to the local shrine. Another sum is given for the maintenance of the bride, and, in the presence of the guardian, a suit of clothes is given to her by the bridegroom. The wife is, as elsewhere, immediately taken to the husband's house. This is called Kudivaippu, and corresponds to the Grahapravesam celebrated by Brahmans.

The following account of marriage among the Izhavas of Malabar is given in the Gazetteer of that district. "A girl may be married before puberty, but the consummation is not supposed to be effected till after puberty, though the girl may live with her husband at once. If the marriage is performed before puberty, the ceremony is apparently combined with the tali-kettu kalyanam. The bride is fetched from the devapura or family chapel with a silk veil over her head, and holding a betel leaf in her right hand in front of her face. She stands in the pandal on a plank, on which there is some rice. On her right stand four enangans of the bridegroom, and on her left four of her own. The elder of the bridegroom's enangans hands one of the bride's enangans a bundle containing the tali, a mundu and pava , some rice, betel leaves, and a coin called meymelkanam, which should be of gold and worth at least one rupee. All these are provided by the bridegroom. He next hands the tali to the bridegroom's sister, who ties it. After this, all the enangans scatter rice and flowers over the bride. In this caste, the claim of a man to the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter is recognised in the ceremony called padikkal tada , which consists of a formal obstruction offered by eleven neighbours to the bride's removal, when she is not so related to her husband They are bought off by a fee of two fanams, and a packet of betel leaf. The girl is then taken to the bridegroom's house. If very young, she is chaperoned by a female relative. On the fourth day there is a feast at the bridegroom's house called nalam kalyanam and this concludes the ceremonies. Marriage after puberty is called Pudamari. The ceremonial is the same, but there is no padikkal tada."

When an Izhava girl reaches puberty, the occasion is one for a four days' religious ceremonial. On the first day, the Vatti priestess anoints the girl with oil, and after a bath, dresses her in the cloth supplied by the Mannatti . She is then laid on a broad wooden plank, and is supposed not to go out until she bathes on the fourth day. All the female relations of the family present her with sweetmeats. On the seventh day, she is again taken to and from the village tank with much ?clat, and, on her return, she either treads on cloths spread on the floor, or is carried by an elderly woman. After this, she husks a quantity of paddy, and cooks the rice obtained thence. If this ceremony takes place at the house of a headman, the villagers present him with a vessel full of sugared rice.

A two days' ceremonial, called Pulikudi in north Travancore, and Vayattu Pongala in the south, which corresponds to the Pumsavana of Brahmans, is observed at the seventh month of pregnancy. On the first day, at twilight in the evening, the pregnant woman, preceded by the priestess, proceeds to the foot of a tamarind tree on the southern side of the compound. Arriving there, she receives a thread seven yards in length, to which a silver ring is attached at one end, and, by means of circumambulation, entwines the tree with the thread. If the thread is by chance or inadvertence broken during this process, the popular belief is that either the mother or the child will die soon. Next day, the thread is unwound from the tree, and a handful of tamarind leaves is given to the woman by her husband. On re-entering the house, tamarind juice is poured through the hands of the husband into those of the wife, who drinks it. The priestess then pours a quantity of oil on the navel of the woman from a betel leaf, and, from the manner in which it flows down, it is believed that she is able to determine the sex of the unborn child. The woman has to lean against a cutting of an ambazham tree while she is drinking the juice, and this cutting has to be planted in some part of the compound. If it does not grow properly, the adversity of the progeny is considered to be sealed. The husband is given a ring and other presents on this occasion. Women bathe on the third, fifth, and nineteenth day after delivery, and wear the mattu or changed cloth of the Mannatti, in order to be freed from pollution. The name-giving ceremony of the child takes place on the twenty-eighth day. It is decorated with a pair of iron anklets, and a ribbon passed through a few pieces of iron is tied round its waist. It is then held standing on a vessel filled with rice, and, its left ear being closed, a name is muttered by its guardian into the right ear. The first feeding ceremony is observed in the sixth month, when the iron ornaments are removed, and replaced by silver and gold ones. The ear-boring ceremony takes place at an auspicious hour on some day before the child attains its seventh year.

In former times, only the eldest male member of a family was cremated, but no such restriction obtains at the present day. When a member of the community dies, three handfuls of rice are placed in the mouth of the corpse by the eldest heir after a bath, followed by the sons, nephews, and grandsons of the deceased. Every relative throws an unbleached cloth over the corpse, after which it is taken to the burning-ground, where the pyre is lighted by the heir with a consecrated torch handed to him by the priest. A wooden plank is furnished by the carpenter, and an impression of the foot of the deceased smeared with sandal paste is made on it. The name, and date of the death of the deceased, are inscribed thereon, and it has to be carefully preserved in the house of the heir. The record refreshes his memory on occasions of sradh , etc. When the cremation is half completed, the contents of a tender cocoanut are placed beside the head of the corpse as an offering, and prayers are muttered. A pot full of water is then borne by the chief mourner on his shoulder thrice round the corpse. As he does so, the priest pricks the pot thrice with an iron instrument. Finally, the pot is broken on the pyre, and the chief mourner returns home without turning back and looking at the corpse. On the second day, an oblation of food is offered to the departed. The inmates of the house are fed with conji on this day by the relatives. The Sanchayana, or collection of bones, takes place on the fifth day. Pollution lasts for fifteen days in Central and North Travancore, but only for ten days in the south. There are some rites, not observed necessarily by all members of the caste, on the forty-first day, and at the end of the first year. Persons who have died of contagious diseases, women who die after conception or on delivery, and children under five years of age, are buried. Pollution is observed only for nine days when children die; and, in the case of men who die of contagious disease, a special group of ceremonies is performed by the sorcerer. Those who are under pollution, besides being forbidden to enter shrines and other sanctuaries, may not read or write, or partake of liquor, butter, milk, ghi, dhal, or jaggery.

Jada.--Jada or Jandra, meaning great men, has been recorded as a synonym of Devanga and Kurni.

Jaggali.--The Jaggalis are defined, in the Manual of the Ganjam district, as Uriya workers in leather in Ganjam. It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "the traditional occupation of this caste was apparently leatherworking, but now it is engaged in cultivation and miscellaneous labour. Its members speak both Oriya and Telugu. They admit outcastes from other communities to their ranks on payment of a small fee. Marriage is either infant or adult, and widows and divorc?es may remarry. Satanis are employed as priests. They eat beef and pork, and drink alcohol. They bury their dead. In some places they work as syces , and in others as firewood-sellers and as labourers. Patro and Behara are their titles." It may, I think, be accepted that the Jaggalis are Telugu Madigas, who have settled in Ganjam, and learnt the Oriya language. It is suggested that the name is derived from the Oriya jagiba, watching, as some are village crop-watchers.

Jaikonda .--A sept of Domb.

Jain.--"Few," Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao writes, "even among educated persons, are aware of the existence of Jainas and Jaina centres in Southern India. The Madras Presidency discloses vestiges of Jaina dominion almost everywhere, and on many a roadside a stone Tirthankara, standing or sitting cross-legged, is a common enough sight. The present day interpretations of these images are the same all over the Presidency. If the images are two, one represents a debtor and the other a creditor, both having met on the road, and waiting to get their accounts settled and cleared. If it is only one image, it represents a debtor paying penalty for not having squared up his accounts with his creditor."

It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "out of a total of 25,716 Jains, as many as 22,273 have returned both caste and sub-division as Jain. The remainder have returned 22 sub-divisions, of which some, such as Digambara and Swetambara, are sectarian rather than caste divisions, but others like Marvadi, Osval, Vellalan, etc., are distinct castes. And the returns also show that some Jains have returned well-known castes as their main castes, for we have Jain Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Gaudas, Vellalas, etc. The Jain Bants, however, have all returned Jain as their main caste." At the Madras census, 1901, 27,431 Jains were returned. Though they are found in nearly every district of the Madras Presidency, they occur in the largest number in the following:--

South Canara 9,582 North Arcot 8,128 South Arcot 5,896

At the Mysore census, 1901, 13,578 Jains were returned. It is recorded in the report that "the Digambaras and Swetambaras are the two main divisions of the Jain faith. The root of the word Digambara means space clad or sky clad, i.e., nude, while Swetambara means clad in white. The Swetambaras are found more in Northern India, and are represented but by a small number in Mysore. The Digambaras are said to live absolutely separated from society, and from all worldly ties. These are generally engaged in trade, selling mostly brass and copper vessels, and are scattered all over the country, the largest number of them being found in Shimoga, Mysore, and Hassan districts. Sravana Belagola, in the Hassan district, is a chief seat of the Jains of the province. Tirthankaras are the priests of the Jain religion, and are also known as Pitambaras. The Jain Yatis or clergy here belong to the Digambara sect, and cover themselves with a yellow robe, and hence the name Pithambara." The Dasa Banajigas of Mysore style themselves Jaina Kshatriya Ramanujas.

In connection with the terms Digambara and Swetambara, it is noted by B?hler that "Digambara, that is those whose robe is the atmosphere, owe their name to the circumstance that they regard absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the advance of civilization has compelled them to depart from the practice of their theory. The Swetambara, that is they who are clothed in white, do not claim this doctrine, but hold it as possible that the holy ones who clothe themselves may also attain the highest goal. They allow, however, that the founder of the Jaina religion and his first disciples disdained to wear clothes."

The most important Jain settlement in Southern India at the present day is at Sravana Belagola in Mysore, where the Jains are employed in the manufacture of metal vessels for domestic use. The town is situated at the base of two hills, on the summit of one of which, the Indra Betta, is the colossal statue of Gomatesvara, Gummatta, or Gomata Raya, concerning which Mr. L. Rice writes as follows. "The image is nude, and stands erect, facing the north. The figure has no support above the thighs. Up to that point it is represented as surrounded by ant-hills, from which emerge serpents. A climbing plant twines itself round both legs and both arms, terminating at the upper part of the arm in a cluster of fruit or berries. The pedestal on which the feet stand is carved to represent an open lotus. The hair is in spiral ringlets, flat to the head, as usual in Jain images, and the lobe of the ears lengthened down with a large rectangular hole. The extreme height of the figure may be stated at 57 feet, though higher estimates have been given--60 feet 3 inches by Sir Arthur Wellesley , and 70 feet 3 inches by Buchanan." Of this figure, Fergusson writes that nothing grander or more imposing exists anywhere out of Egypt, and even there no known statue surpasses it in height, though, it must be confessed, they do excel it in the perfection of art they exhibit."

Other colossal statues of Gummata are situated on the summit of hills outside the towns of Karkal and Venur or Yenur in South Canara. Concerning the former, Dr. E. Hultzsch writes as follows. "It is a monolith consisting of the figure itself, of a slab against which it leans, and which reaches up to the wrists, and of a round pedestal which is sunk into a thousand-petalled lotus flower. The legs and arms of the figure are entwined with vines . On both sides of the feet, a number of snakes are cut out of the slab against which the image leans. Two inscriptions on the sides of the same slab state that this image of Bahubalin or Gummata Jinapati was set up by a chief named V?ra-P?ndya, the son of Bhairava, in A.D. 1431-32. An inscription of the same chief is engraved on a graceful stone pillar in front of the outer gateway. This pillar bears a seated figure of Brahmad?va, a chief of Pattipombuchcha, the modern Humcha in Mysore, who, like V?ra-P?ndya, belonged to the family of Jinadatta, built the Chaturmukha basti in A.D. 1586-87. As its name implies, this temple has four doors, each of which opens on three black stone figures of the three Tirthankaras Ari, Malli, and Munisuvrata. Each of the figures has a golden aureole over the head." According to a legend recorded by Mr. M. J. Walhouse, the Karkal statue, when finished, was raised on to a train of twenty iron carts furnished with steel wheels, on each of which ten thousand propitiatory cocoanuts were broken and covered with an infinity of cotton. It was then drawn by legions of worshippers up an inclined plane to the platform on the hill-top where it now stands.

The legend of Kalkuda, who is said to have made the colossal statue at "Belgula," is narrated at length by Mr. A. C. Burnell. Told briefly, the story is as follows. Kalkuda made a Gummata two cubits higher than at Belur. Bairanasuda, King of Karkal, sent for him to work in his kingdom. He made the Gummatasami. Although five thousand people were collected together, they were not able to raise the statue. Kalkuda put his left hand under it, and raised it, and set it upright on a base. He then said to the king "Give me my pay, and the present that you have to give to me. It is twelve years since I left my house, and came here." But the king said "I will not let Kalkuda, who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country," and cut off his left hand and right leg. Kalkuda then went to Timmanajila, king of Yenur, and made a Gummata two cubits higher than that at Karkal.

In connection with the figure at Sravana Belagola, Fergusson suggests that the hill had a mass or tor standing on its summit, which the Jains fashioned into a statue.

The high priest of the Jain basti at Karkal in 1907 gave as his name Lalitha Kirthi Bhattaraka Pattacharya Variya Jiyaswamigalu. His full-dress consisted of a red and gold-embroidered Benares body-cloth, red and gold turban, and, as a badge of office, a brush of peacock's feathers mounted in a gold handle, carried in his hand. On ordinary occasions, he carried a similar brush mounted in a silver handle. The abhishekam ceremony is performed at Karkal at intervals of many years. A scaffold is erected, and over the colossal statue are poured water, milk, flowers, cocoanuts, sugar, jaggery, sugar-candy, gold and silver flowers, fried rice, beans, gram, sandal paste, nine kinds of precious stones, etc.

Concerning the statue at Yenur, Mr. Walhouse writes that "it is lower than the K?rkala statue , apparently by three or four feet. It resembles its brother colossi in all essential particulars, but has the special peculiarity of the cheeks being dimpled with a deep grave smile. The salient characteristics of all these colossi are the broad square shoulders, and the thickness and remarkable length of the arms, the tips of the fingers, like Rob Roy's, nearly reaching the knees. Like the others, this statue has the lotus enwreathing the legs and arms, or, as Dr. Burnell suggests, it may be jungle creepers, typical of wrapt meditation. A triple-headed cobra rises up under each hand, and there are others lower down."

"The village of Mudabidure in the South Canara district," Dr. Hultzsch writes, "is the seat of a Jaina high priest, who bears the title Ch?rukirti-Pandit?ch?rya-Sv?min. He resides in a matha, which is known to contain a large library of Jaina manuscripts. There are no less than sixteen Jaina temples at M?dabidure. Several of them are elaborate buildings with massive stone roofs, and are surrounded by laterite enclosures. A special feature of this style of architecture is a lofty monolithic column called m?nastambha, which is set up in front of seven of the bastis. In two of them a flagstaff , which consists of wood covered with copper, is placed between the m?nastambha and the shrine. Six of them are called Settarabasti, and accordingly must have been built by Jaina merchants . The sixteen bastis are dedicated to the following T?rthankaras:--Chandranatha or Chandraprabha, N?min?tha, P?rsvan?tha, ?din?tha, Mallin?tha, Padmaprabha, Anantan?tha, Vardham?na, and S?ntin?tha. In two of these bastis are separate shrines dedicated to all the T?rthankaras, and in another basti the shrines of two Yakshis. The largest and finest is the Hosabasti, i.e., the new temple, which is dedicated to Chandran?tha, and was built in A.D. 1429-30. It possesses a double enclosure, a very high m?nastambha, and a sculptured gateway. The uppermost storey of the temple consists of wood-work. The temple is composed of the shrine , and three rooms in front of it, viz., the T?rthakaramandapa, the Gaddigemandapa, and the Chitramandapa. In front of the last-mentioned mandapa is a separate building called Bhair?d?vimandapa, which was built in A.D. 1451-52. Round its base runs a band of sculptures, among which the figure of a giraffe deserves to be noted. The idol in the dark innermost shrine is said to consist of five metals , among which silver predominates. The basti next in importance is the Gurugalabasti, where two ancient talipot copies of the Jaina Siddh?nta are preserved in a box with three locks, the keys of which are in charge of three different persons. The minor bastis contain three rooms, viz., the Garbhagriha, the T?rthakaramandapa, and the Namask?ramandapa. One of the sights of M?dabidire is the ruined palace of the Chautar, a local chief who follows the Jaina creed, and is in receipt of a pension from the Government. The principal objects of interest at the palace are a few nicely-carved wooden pillars. Two of them bear representations of the pancha-n?r?turaga, i.e., the horse composed of five women, and the nava-n?r?-kunjara, i.e., the elephant composed of nine women. These are fantastic animals, which are formed by the bodies of a number of shepherdesses for the amusement of their Lord Krishna. The Jains are divided into two classes, viz., priests and laymen . The former consider themselves as Br?hmanas by caste. All the Jainas wear the sacred thread. The priests dine with the laymen, but do not intermarry with them. The former practice the makkalasant?na, i.e., the inheritance through sons, and the latter aliya-sant?na, i.e., the inheritance through nephews. The Jainas are careful to avoid pollution from contact with outcastes, who have to get out of their way in the road, as I noticed myself. A Jaina marriage procession, which I saw passing, was accompanied by Hindu dancing-girls. Near the western end of the street in which most of the Jainas live, a curious spectacle presents itself. From a number of high trees, thousands of flying foxes are suspended. They have evidently selected the spot as a residence, because they are aware that the Jainas, in pursuance of one of the chief tenets of their religion, do not harm any animals. Following the same street further west, the Jaina burial-ground is approached. It contains a large ruined tank with laterite steps, and a number of tombs of wealthy Jain merchants. These tombs are pyramidal structures of several storeys, and are surmounted by a water-pot of stone. Four of the tombs bear short epitaphs. The Jainas cremate their dead, placing the corpse on a stone in order to avoid taking the life of any stray insect during the process."

In their ceremonials, e.g., marriage rites, the Jains of South Canara closely follow the Bants. They are worshippers of bhuthas , and, in some houses, a room called padoli is set apart, in which the bhutha is kept. When they make vows, animals are not killed, but they offer metal images of fowls, goats, or pigs.

Of the Jains of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that "more than half of them are found in the Wandiwash taluk, and the rest in Arcot and Polur. Their existence in this neighbourhood is accounted for by the fact that a Jain dynasty reigned for many years in Conjeeveram. They must at one time have been very numerous, as their temples and sculptures are found in very many places, from which they themselves have now disappeared. They have most of the Brahman ceremonies, and wear the sacred thread, but look down upon Brahmans as degenerate followers of an originally pure faith. For this reason they object generally to accepting ghee or jaggery , etc., from any but those of their own caste. They are defiled by entering a Pariah village, and have to purify themselves by bathing and assuming a new thread. The usual caste affix is Nainar, but a few, generally strangers from other districts, are called Rao, Chetti, Das, or Mudaliyar.

At Pillapalaiyam, a suburb of Conjeeveram in the Chingleput district, is a Jain temple of considerable artistic beauty. It is noted by Sir M. E. Grant Duff that this is "left unfinished, as it would seem, by the original builders, and adapted later to the Shivite worship. Now it is abandoned by all its worshippers, but on its front stands the census number 9-A--emblematic of the new order of things."

Concerning the Jains of the South Arcot district, Mr. W. Francis writes that "there is no doubt that in ancient days the Jain faith was powerful in this district. The Periya Puranam says that there was once a Jain monastery and college at Pataliputra, the old name for the modern Tirupapuliyur, and remains of Jain images and sculptures are comparatively common in the district. The influence of the religion doubtless waned in consequence of the great Saivite revival, which took place in the early centuries of the present era, and the Periya Puranam gives a story in connection therewith, which is of local interest. It says that the Saivite poet-saint Appar was at one time a student in the Jain college at Pataliputra, but was converted to Saivism in consequence of the prayers of his sister, who was a devotee of the deity in the temple at Tiruvadi near Panruti. The local king was a Jain, and was at first enraged with Appar for his fervent support of his new faith. But eventually he was himself induced by Appar to become a Saivite, and he then turned the Paliputra monastery into a temple to Siva, and ordered the extirpation of all Jains. Later on there was a Jain revival, but this in its turn was followed by another persecution of the adherents of that faith. The following story connected with this latter occurs in one of the Mackenzie Manuscripts, and is supported by existing tradition. In 1478 A.D., the ruler of Gingee was one Venkatampettai, Venkatapati, who belonged to the comparatively low caste of the Kavarais. He asked the local Brahmans to give him one of their daughters to wife. They said that, if the Jains would do so, they would follow suit. Venkatapati told the Jains of this answer, and asked for one of their girls as a bride. They took counsel among themselves how they might avoid the disgrace of connecting themselves by marriage with a man of such a caste, and at last pretended to agree to the king's proposal, and said that the daughter of a certain prominent Jain would be given him. On the day fixed for the marriage, Venkatapati went in state to the girl's house for the ceremony, but found it deserted and empty, except for a bitch tied to one of the posts of the verandah. Furious at the insult, he issued orders to behead all Jains. Some of the faith were accordingly decapitated, others fled, others again were forced to practice their rites secretly, and yet others became Saivites to escape death. Not long afterwards, some of the king's officers saw a Jain named Virasenacharya performing the rites peculiar to his faith in a well in Velur near Tindivanam, and hauled him before their master. The latter, however, had just had a child born to him, was in a good temper, and let the accused go free; and Virasenacharya, sobered by his narrow escape from death, resolved to become an ascetic, went to Sravana Belgola, and there studied the holy books of the Jain religion. Meanwhile another Jain of the Gingee country, Gangayya Udaiyar of Tayanur in the Tindivanam taluk, had fled to the protection of the Zamindar of Udaiyarpalaiyam in Trichinopoly, who befriended him and gave him some land. Thus assured of protection, he went to Sravana Belgola, fetched back Virasenacharya, and with him made a tour through the Gingee country, to call upon the Jains who remained there to return to their ancient faith. These people had mostly become Saivites, taken off their sacred threads and put holy ashes on their foreheads, and the name Nirpusi Vellalas, or the Vellalas who put on holy ash, is still retained. The mission was successful, and Jainism revived. Virasenacharya eventually died at Velur, and there, it is said, is kept in a temple a metal image of Parsvanatha, one of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, which he brought from Sravana Belgola. The descendants of Gangayya Udaiyar still live in Tayanur, and, in memory of the services of their ancestor to the Jain cause, they are given the first betel and leaf on festive occasions, and have a leading voice in the election of the high-priest at Sittamur in the Tindivanam taluk. This high-priest, who is called Mahadhipati, is elected by representatives from the chief Jain villages. These are, in Tindivanam taluk, Sittamur itself, Viranamur, Vilukkam, Peramandur, Alagramam, and the Velur and Tayanur already mentioned. The high-priest has supreme authority over all Jains south of Madras, but not over those in Mysore or South Canara, with whom the South Arcot community have no relations. He travels round in a palanquin with a suite of followers to the chief centres--his expenses being paid by the communities he visits--settles caste disputes, and fines, and excommunicates the erring. His control over his people is still very real, and is in strong contrast to the waning authority of many of the Hindu gurus. The Jain community now holds a high position in Tindivanam taluk, and includes wealthy traders and some of quite the most intelligent agriculturists there. The men use the title of Nayinar or Udaiyar, but their relations in Kumbakonam and elsewhere in that direction sometimes call themselves Chetti or Mudaliyar. The women are great hands at weaving mats from the leaves of the date-palm. The men, except that they wear the thread, and paint on their foreheads a sect-mark which is like the ordinary Vaishnavite mark, but square instead of semi-circular at the bottom, and having a dot instead of a red streak in the middle, in general appearance resemble Vellalas. They are usually clean shaved. The women dress like Vellalas, and wear the same kind of tali and other jewellery. The South Arcot Jains all belong to the Digambara sect, and the images in their temples of the twenty-four Tirthankaras are accordingly without clothing. These temples, the chief of which are those at Tirunirankonrai and Sittamur, are not markedly different in external appearance from Hindu shrines, but within these are images of some of the Tirthankaras, made of stone or of painted clay, instead of representations of the Hindu deities. The Jain rites of public worship much resemble those of the Brahmans. There is the same bathing of the god with sacred oblations, sandal, and so on; the same lighting and waving of lamps, and burning of camphor; and the same breaking of cocoanuts, playing of music, and reciting of sacred verses. These ceremonies are performed by members of the Archaka or priest class. The daily private worship in the houses is done by the laymen themselves before a small image of one of the Tirthankaras, and daily ceremonies resembling those of the Brahmans, such as the pronouncing of the sacred mantram at daybreak, and the recital of forms of prayer thrice daily, are observed. The Jains believe in the doctrine of re-births, and hold that the end of all is Nirvana. They keep the Sivaratri and Dipavali feasts, but say that they do so, not for the reasons which lead Hindus to revere these dates, but because on them the first and the last of the twenty-four Tirthankaras attained beatitude. Similarly they observe Pongal and the Ayudha puja day. They adhere closely to the injunctions of their faith prohibiting the taking of life, and, to guard themselves from unwittingly infringing them, they do not eat or drink at night lest they might thereby destroy small insects which had got unseen into their food. For the same reason, they filter through a cloth all milk or water which they use, eat only curds, ghee and oil which they have made themselves with due precautions against the taking of insect life, or known to have been similarly made by other Jains, and even avoid the use of shell chunam . The Vedakkarans trade on these scruples by catching small birds, bringing them to Jain houses, and demanding money to spare their lives. The Jains have four sub-divisions, namely, the ordinary laymen, and three priestly classes. Of the latter, the most numerous are the Archakas . They do the worship in the temples. An ordinary layman cannot become an Archaka; it is a class apart. An Archaka can, however, rise to the next higher of the priestly classes, and become what is called an Annam or Annuvriti, a kind of monk who is allowed to marry, but has to live according to certain special rules of conduct. These Annams can again rise to the highest of the three classes, and become Nirvanis or Munis, monks who lead a celibate life apart from the world. There is also a sisterhood of nuns, called Aryanganais, who are sometimes maidens, and sometimes women who have left their husbands, but must in either case take a vow of chastity. The monks shave their heads, and dress in red; the nuns similarly shave, but wear white. Both of them carry as marks of their condition a brass vessel and a bunch of peacock's feathers, with which latter they sweep clean any place on which they sit down, lest any insect should be there. To both classes the other Jains make namaskaram when they meet them, and both are maintained at the cost of the rest of the community. The laymen among the Jains will not intermarry, though they will dine with the Archakas, and these latter consequently have the greatest trouble in procuring brides for their sons, and often pay Rs. 200 or Rs. 300 to secure a suitable match. Otherwise there are no marriage sub-divisions among the community, all Jains south of Madras freely intermarrying. Marriage takes place either before or after puberty. Widows are not allowed to remarry, but are not required to shave their heads until they are middle-aged. The dead are burnt, and the death pollution lasts for twelve days, after which period purification is performed, and the parties must go to the temple. Jains will not eat with Hindus. Their domestic ceremonies, such as those of birth, marriage, death and so on resemble generally those of the Brahmans. A curious difference is that, though the girls never wear the thread, they are taught the thread-wearing mantram, amid all the ceremonies usual in the case of boys, when they are about eight years old."

It is recorded, in the report on Epigraphy, 1906-1907, that at Eyil in the South Arcot district the Jains asked the Collector for permission to use the stones of the Siva temple for repairing their own. The Collector called upon the Hindus to put the Siva temple in order within a year, on pain of its being treated as an escheat.

Near the town of Madura is a large isolated mass of naked rock, which is known as Anaimalai . "The Madura Sthala Purana says it is a petrified elephant. The Jains of Conjeeveram, says this chronicle, tried to convert the Saivite people of Madura to the Jain faith. Finding the task difficult, they had recourse to magic. They dug a great pit ten miles long, performed a sacrifice thereon, and thus caused a huge elephant to arise from it. This beast they sent against Madura. It advanced towards the town, shaking the whole earth at every step, with the Jains marching close behind it. But the Pandya king invoked the aid of Siva, and the god arose and slew the elephant with his arrow at the spot where it now lies petrified."

In connection with the long barren rock near Madura called Nagamalai , "local legends declare that it is the remains of a huge serpent, brought into existence by the magic arts of the Jains, which was only prevented by the grace of Siva from devouring the fervently Saivite city it so nearly approaches." Two miles south of Madura is a small hill of rock named Pasumalai. "The name means cow hill, and the legend in the Madura Sthala Purana says that the Jains, being defeated in their attempt to destroy Madura by means of the serpent which was turned into the Nagamalai, resorted to more magic, and evolved a demon in the form of an enormous cow. They selected this particular shape for their demon, because they thought that no one would dare kill so sacred an animal. Siva, however, directed the bull which is his vehicle to increase vastly in size, and go to meet the cow. The cow, seeing him, died of love, and was turned into this hill."

For details of the literature relating to the Jains, I would refer the reader to A. Gu?rinot's 'Essai de Bibliographie Jaina,' Annales du Mus?e Guimet, Paris, 1906.

Jain Vaisya.--The name assumed by a small colony of "Banians," who have settled in Native Cochin. They are said to frequent the kalli pagoda in the Kannuthnad taluk of North Travancore, and believe that he who proceeds thither a sufficiently large number of times obtains salvation. Of recent years, a figure of Brahma is said to have sprung up of itself on the top of the rock, on which the pagoda is situated.

Jakkula.--Described as an inferior class of prostitutes, mostly of the Balija caste; and as wizards and a dancing and theatrical caste. At Tenali, in the Kistna district, it was customary for each family to give up one girl for prostitution. She was "married" to any chance comer for one night with the usual ceremonies. Under the influence of social reform, the members of the caste, in 1901, entered into a written agreement to give up the practice. A family went back on this, so the head of the caste prosecuted the family and the "husband" for disposing of a minor for the purpose of prostitution. The records state that it was resolved, in 1901, that they should not keep the females as girls, but should marry them before they attain puberty. "As the deeds of the said girls not only brought discredit on all of us, but their association gives our married women also an opportunity to contract bad habits, and, as all of our castemen thought it good to give up henceforth the custom of leaving girls unmarried now in vogue, all of us convened a public meeting in the Tenali village, considered carefully the pros and cons, and entered into the agreement herein mentioned. If any person among us fail to marry the girls in the families before puberty, the managing members of the families of the girls concerned should pay Rs. 500 to the three persons whom we have selected as the headmen of our caste, as penalty for acting in contravention of this agreement. If any person does not pay the headmen of the caste the penalty, the headmen are authorised to recover the amount through Court. We must abstain from taking meals, living, or intermarriage with such of the families as do not now join with us in this agreement, and continue to keep girls unmarried. We must not take meals or intermarry with those that are now included in this agreement, but who hereafter act in contravention of it. If any of us act in contravention of the terms of the two last paragraphs, we should pay a penalty of Rs. 50 to the headmen."

Jalagadugu.--Defined, by Mr. C. P. Brown, as "a caste of gold-finders, who search for gold in drains, and in the sweepings of goldsmiths' shops." A modest livelihood is also obtained, in some places, by extracting gold from the bed of rivers or nullahs . The name is derived from jala, water, gadugu, wash. The equivalent Jalakara is recorded, in the Bellary Gazetteer, as a sub-division of Kabbera.

In the city of Madras, gold-washers are to be found working in the foul side drains in front of jewellers' shops. The Health Officer to the Corporation informs me that he often chases them, and breaks their pots for obstructing public drains in their hunt for pieces of gold and other metals.

For the following note on the gold-washers of Madras, I am indebted to Dr. K. T. Mathew: "This industry is carried on in the city by the Oddars, and was practically monopolised by them till a few years back, when other castes, mostly of the lower orders, stepped in. The Oddars now form a population of several thousands in the city, their chief occupation being conservancy cooly work. The process of gold washing is carried out by women at home, and by the aged and adults in their spare hours. The ashes, sweepings, and refuse from the goldsmiths' shops are collected on payment of a sum ranging from one rupee to ten rupees per mensem, and are brought in baskets to a convenient place alongside their huts, where they are stored for a variable time. The drain silts from streets where there are a large number of jewellers' shops are similarly collected, but, in this case, the only payment to be made is a present to the Municipal peon. The materials so collected are left undisturbed for a few days or several months, and this storing away for a time is said to be necessary to facilitate the extraction of the gold, as any immediate attempt to wash the stuff results in great loss in the quantity obtained. From the heap as much as can be taken on an ordinary spade is put into a boat-shaped tub open at one end, placed close to the heap, and so arranged that the waste water from the tub flows away from the heap behind, and collects in a shallow pool in front. The water from the pool is collected in a small chatty , and poured over the heap in the tub, which is continually stirred up with the other hand. All the lighter stuff in this way flows out of the tub, and all the hard stones are every now and then picked out and thrown away. This process goes on until about a couple of handfuls of dark sand, etc., are left in the tub. To this a small quantity of mercury is added, briskly rubbed for a minute or two, and the process of washing goes on, considerable care being taken to see that no particle of mercury escapes, until at last the mercury, with a great many particles of metallic dust attached, is collected in a small chatty--often a broken piece of a pot. The mercury, with the metallic particles in it, is then well washed with clean water, and put into a tiny bag formed of two layers of a piece of rag. The mass is then gently pressed until all the mercury falls into a chatty below, leaving a small flattened mass of dark substance in the bag, which is carefully collected, and kept in another dry chatty. The washing process is repeated until enough of the dark substance--about a third of a teaspoonful--is collected. This substance is then mixed with powdered common salt and brick-dust, put into a broken piece of a pot, and covered with another piece. The whole is placed in a large earthen vessel, with cow-dung cakes well packed above and below. A blazing fire is soon produced, and kept up till the mass is melted. This mass is carefully removed, and again melted with borax in a hole made in a piece of good charcoal, by blowing through a reed or hollow bamboo, until the gold separates from the mass. The fire is then suddenly quenched, and the piece of gold is separated and removed."

Jalari.--The Jalaris are Telugu fishermen, palanquin-bearers, and cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The name, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes, is derived from jala, a net. Some are fresh-water fishermen, while others fish with a cast-net from the sea-shore, or on the open sea. They bear the name Gangavamsamu, or people of Ganga, in the same way that a division of the Kabbera fishing caste is called Gangimakkalu. In caste organisation, ceremonial, etc., the Jalaris coincide with the Milas. They are called Noliyas by the Oriyas of Ganjam. They have house-names like other Telugus, and their females do not wear brass bangles, as low-caste Oriya women do.

The Jalaris have two endogamous divisions, called panrendu kotla , and edu kotla , in reference to the number of posts for the booth. The former claim superiority over the latter, on the ground that they are illegitimate Jalaris, or recently admitted into the caste.

Like other Telugu castes, the Jalaris have a caste council under the control of a headman called Pilla. In imitation of the Oriyas, they have created an assistant headman called Dolobehara, and they have the usual caste servant.

In their puberty, marriage and death ceremonies, they closely follow the Vadas and Palles. The prohibitions regarding marriage are of the Telugu form, but, like the Oriya castes, the Jalaris allow a widow to marry her deceased husband's younger brother. The marriage ceremonies last for three days. On the first day, the pandal , with the usual milk-post, is erected. For every marriage, representatives of the four towns Peddapatnam, Vizagapatam, Bimlipatam, and Revalpatnam, should be invited, and should be the first to receive pan-supari after the pandal has been set up. Peddapatnam is the first to be called out, and the respect may be shown to any person from that town. The representatives of the other towns must belong to particular septs, as follows:--

Vizagapatam Buguri sept. Revalpatnam Jonna sept. Bimlipatam Sundra sept.

The Jalaris are unable to explain the significance of this "counting towns," as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamanam takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery dissolved in it. The bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride's neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole called digametlu , with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vadas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the Jalaris. Other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out.

The Jalaris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this is "the income to married young girls" at the time of the marriage ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the Dikshitar Brahmans of Chidambaram. Only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. At every Jalari marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Malas.

Like other Telugu castes, the Jalaris have intiperus , which resemble those of the Vadas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are common. In their religious observances, the Jalaris closely follow the Vadas.

The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpur, and other places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D'A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. The specimens represent the chief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampur got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the Gopalpur fishermen. I have found fishermen's shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties , occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of bricks and chunam . All that I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, both villages near Gopalpur. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpur traveller's bungalow, sixty or seventy fishermen objected to their gods being taken away. He pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:--

Bengali Babu.--Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing.

Samalamma.--Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever.

Rajamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.

Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.

Bhagirathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders.

Nukalamma.--Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox.

Orosondi Ammavaru.--Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.

Bhagadevi.--Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.

Share on: WhatsApp @Hash Facebook Tweet