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"Given at Versailles, the xix November, 1683. Signed, "LOUIS," and lower down, "LE TELLIER."

We think, with M. de Hautecloque, that this date should be the 21st. In the registers of the chapter it is in Roman figures, and there is reason to suppose that a clumsy copyist has inverted the order of them and put xix for xxi. The comparison of dates and the very expressions of the King's letter indicate it sufficiently.

Register of the H?tel de Ville of Arras and of the Chapter.

The cathedral in which Vermandois was interred no longer exists. Devastated and greatly mutilated during the revolutionary period, it was almost in ruins, and was later completely demolished. The Church of Saint-Nicolas was built upon the site which it occupied in that part of Arras styled the Cit?, formerly completely distinct from the town properly so called. The Chapel of Saint-Vaast, in which the body of Vermandois was first deposited, formed part of the Abbey of Saint-Vaast. This chapel is the present cathedral of Arras.

On June 11, 1685, Monmouth, accompanied by eighty men well armed, landed on the coast of Dorsetshire, near the little port of Lyme. The result of this expedition is a matter of history. There is no need to recount the triumphant march to Taunton, the enthusiasm of the West, the fatal field of Sedgemoor, and the ignominious flight of the leader of the insurgents. Some days afterwards a man in tattered garments, with haggard face and hair prematurely white, is dragged from a ditch, at the bottom of which he was crouching, half hidden by the long grass and nettles, trembling and livid with fear, his pockets filled with peas gathered to satisfy the cravings of ravenous hunger. It was the darling of Charles's court, the hero of Bothwell Brig, "King Monmouth."

FOOTNOTES:

Burnet, vol. i. p. 630.

Bases on which Saint-Foix has founded his Theory--Disputes of Saint-Foix and Father Griffet--The Recollection of Monmouth becomes Legendary in England--Ballads announcing his Return--Indisputable Proofs of Monmouth's Death in 1685--Interview of Monmouth with his Wife and Children--He is conducted to the Scaffold--His Firmness--The Last Words which he utters--Awkwardness of the Executioner.

Moreover, Saint-Foix's error was also that of a portion of the English nation, who, through idolizing Monmouth, came to disbelieve in the fact of his death, just as Saint-Foix did through attachment to his theory. The popular affection survived even the generation who had espoused his cause; and the hero, adorned with all the seductive qualities that had made him the idol of the people, and clothed by time with qualities which he the least possessed, speedily became a legendary character. In Dorsetshire and the neighbouring counties, many, during the remainder of their lives, cherished the hope of seeing him again; and for very many years, on the occasion of any important event, the old men used confidently to announce in whispers that the time was approaching when King Monmouth would reappear. Several ballads foretold this return:--

"Though this is a dismal story Of the fall of my design, Yet I'll come again in glory, If I live till eighty-nine; For I'll have a stronger army, And of ammunition store."

Again--

"Then shall Monmouth in his glories Unto his English friends appear, And will stifle all such stories As are vended everywhere.

They'll see I was not so degraded, To be taken gathering pease, Or in a cock of hay up braided. What strange stories now are these!"

In many poor families trifling objects which had belonged to him have been preserved as precious relics even to our own days, and two impostors having on different occasions travelled about the country under the name of Monmouth, found everywhere among the lower orders the most cordial reception, as well as encouragement, assistance, and evidence of the most touching and constant affection.

The open space where the scaffold was erected, all the streets leading to it, and the roofs of the neighbouring houses were covered with a multitude, who showed its disapprobation by a silence broken only by sighs and sobs. Every eye was fixed on Monmouth, who, having smilingly saluted the soldiers of the guard, was mounting with a firm foot the steps of the scaffold. Every one awaits with anxiety his last words. He pronounces them in a loud and distinct voice, and with the energy of fanaticism. He finishes by saying, "That he has satisfied his conscience, and that he dies in peace with God." The Sheriff having pressed him to declare before the people whether he died in the faith of the English Church, he answered "Yes," without hesitation; and on the bishops who accompanied him observing that, according to the principles of that church, he ought to obey his lawful king, he replied, "There is no question of that now; I have nothing to say about it." Then he added, "that he had God's pardon, and that he had nothing to reproach himself with in reference to Lady Wentworth, for whom he entertained as much esteem as affection." The Sheriff having represented to him the scandal which he had caused in Holland by living publicly with this woman, and having asked him if he had married her, "I am sorry for this scandal," replied Monmouth, "but this is not the time to answer your question." The bishops afterwards conversed with him about the consequences of his revolt, of the blood which he had caused to be shed, and of so many companions led on by him to their ruin. Affected by this language, Monmouth said in a low voice that he agreed with them and that he regretted it. Next the bishops present offered up fervent prayers, which the Prince listened to with attention, and to each of which he answered, "Amen!" Then, addressing the executioner, he gave him six guineas, earnestly begging him to do his work quickly, and not to serve him like Lord Russell, whom he had struck three or four times. After having assured himself that the axe was sufficiently sharp, he refused to have his eyes bandaged, and placed his head upon the block. The bishops continue their prayers. The tears of the crowd flow fast. The executioner, probably troubled by the fears which Monmouth had expressed, strikes the first blow unskilfully. The victim lifts up his head; then, without uttering a word, replaces it on the block. Three more blows are struck by the unsure hand of this man, whom the yells and imprecations of the crowd cause to tremble. At length, at the fifth blow, the head is separated from the body, and the spectators rush upon the scaffold, some, in a state of fury, wishing to punish the awkward executioner, others, with pious haste, desirous of dipping their handkerchiefs in the blood of one whom they considered a martyr.

FOOTNOTES:

Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section England, 155; Despatches, June 23 and 28, and July 12, 19, 23, 25 and 26, 1685.

Despatch from the French Ambassador, July 26, 1685: "He asked a second time to speak to him, but it was not allowed."

Burnet, i. 645; Macaulay.

Official despatches from the French Ambassador in England, July 15-25 and July 16-26, 1685.

Fran?ois de Vend?me, Duke de Beaufort--His Portrait--His Conduct during the War of the Fronde--Unimportance of this Individual--Motives cited by Lagrange-Chancel in support of his Theory--Their Improbability--Reasons which determined the Search for Proofs that leave no doubt of Beaufort's Death at Candia.

Like Monmouth, a royal prince and the issue of an illegitimate connection, Fran?ois de Vend?me had, like Monmouth, the rare privilege of being sufficiently beloved by the people for them, during a long time, to have doubted of his death. Ten years after the expedition to Candia, where he disappeared, the market-women were still in the habit of having masses said, not for the repose of his soul, but for the prompt return of his person; and these persistent doubts have caused Beaufort to be included, like Monmouth, among those in whom people have beheld the mysterious prisoner of the Isles Sainte-Marguerite.

FOOTNOTES:

It was thus that she then designated him.

It is known that he one day asked President Belli?vre if he would not change the face of affairs by giving a box on the ears to the Duke d'Elboeuf? "I do not think," answered the magistrate, in a grave tone, "that would change anything except the face of the Duke d'Elboeuf."

Causes of the Expedition to Candia--Court Intrigue--Turenne and the Duke d'Albret--Preparations for the Expedition--Beaufort Commands it--Departure of the Fleet--Its Arrival before Candia--State of this Island--Description of the Place besieged--Last Council of War--Plan of Attack, which is fixed for the Middle of the Night of June 24, 1669--The First Movements are successful--Terrible Explosion of the Magazine of a Battery--Fearful Panic--Rout of the French--Re-embarkation of the Troops--Certainty of Beaufort's Death.

The evening following their arrival, Beaufort, Navailles, and the general officers, cautiously left the roadstead where the squadron had cast anchor, and in a little row-boat, with carefully muffled oars, succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the Turks, and in penetrating into the port of the besieged town. Their disappointment on arriving there was extreme; and after having been witnesses, during the day, of the energy and vigour displayed by the besiegers, they convinced themselves, during the evening, of the dejection and impotence of the defenders of Candia. Whilst the Ambassador of the Venetian Republic had affirmed at Versailles that their number still amounted to 14,000 men, it was, in reality, reduced to 6,000 combatants, who, discouraged and ill, considered the loss of the town as inevitable, and continued to fight through duty, but without hope. The gunners had nearly all perished in the subterranean galleries, where the Turks had pursued them with the implacability of fanaticism. Of the two principal bastions of the place, one, the Bastion Saint-Andrew, was already in the power of the enemy; and the Venetians were too weak to preserve the other--that of the Sablonni?re--much longer. The streets, blocked up with rubbish, scarcely afforded a passage for the troops. Here and there smoking ruins, in the midst of an open space, bore witness to a recent fire. Far apart were houses, their upper stories turned into casemates, and looking like isolated citadels, where the unhappy inhabitants had crowded to take refuge. In the open places were to be seen a few soldiers pacing up and down in silence, or perhaps some wounded being carried from the trenches and accompanied by a priest. Everywhere were the certain signs of utter discouragement and of approaching defeat.

"The universal opinion is that the town can only be succoured by a general engagement," wrote the Intendant Delacroix to France. He expressed the opinion of the Council, which had assembled on the 20th at Candia. This was unanimous; and Saint-Andr?-Montbrun, Beaufort, Morosini , as well as Navailles, saw some chances of success only in a vigorous sortie from the side of the Sablonni?re. There, in truth, a portion of the Turks were separated from their principal army, and exposed to the cross-fire of the town and fleet, and ran, moreover, the danger of being driven into the sea, which was close at hand.

The definitive plan of attack was determined on in a final Council of War, held on the 24th, at seven o'clock in the evening, and its execution fixed for the middle of the following night. Beaufort assembled on board his ship all the captains of the army; and the disembarkation of troops, which commenced at nine o'clock in large and strong launches, was finished, without impediment, by midnight. As each company disembarked, it proceeded to the esplanade situated by the side of the bastion of the Sablonni?re. Surprise being the principal condition of success, the officers gave their orders in a low voice, and the soldiers advanced, with many precautions. The troops of Candia not on duty in the bastions were only informed of the plan of attack at one in the morning by their chiefs, who came to awake them, and lead them to their post. When the clock of the church of Saint-Mark struck two, the foot-soldiers were all assembled on the esplanade. In spite of their number, nothing save the pale reflection of their muskets betrayed their presence. Immovable and silent, they awaited the signal of departure; and on this calm and peaceful night, which was about to be marked by a bloody struggle, one heard as yet only the regular and monotonous footsteps of the sentinels on the ramparts. Soon the dull trot of horses advancing over the sand is joined to it. Two hundred of the King's musketeers and five companies of cavalry have come to reinforce the infantry, and are followed by Beaufort, Navailles, and a numerous staff. After having given the countersign, and confided his young nephew, the Chevalier de Vend?me, to the watchful care of the Marquis de Schomberg and the Baron de Saint-Mark, charged to follow him everywhere in the fight, Beaufort addresses a few brave and energetic words, to those about him, and the command is given to advance in silence. The soldiers placed under De Navailles' orders went towards the right. Beaufort was to occupy the left with a large portion of the marines and with his guards, commanded by Colbert de Maulevrier, the Minister's brother. It was arranged that the two divisions should reunite at a signal to be given by that of Navailles.

This general had arrived with the same good luck at the extreme right. After having been joined there by his reserve and his rearguard, he sent the former, commanded by the Count de Choiseul, a little to the westward of Candia, so as to prevent any communication between the two Turkish camps, and kept his rearguard with him, in order to protect the most threatened points. Then he led forward Dampierre's corps, charged to commence the attack, and creeping towards a little hill, which afforded him a good view, he awaited the result.

FOOTNOTES:

Letter from the Abb? Bigorre to De Lionne, December 28, 1668:--Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome, 1669.

Letters from the Abb? Bigorre to De Lionne, December 28, 1668. After the expedition to Candia, M. d'Albret alone received the hat. See despatches from the Abb? Bigorre to De Lionne, July 9, 1669, and from the Abb? de Bourlemont to De Lionne, August 9, 1669:--Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome, 1669.

Among them were the Count de Choiseul, MM. de Castellan and de Dampierre, Marquis de Saint-Vallier, Duke de Ch?teau-Thierry, Marquises d'O, d'Huxelles, and de Sevign?, &c. &c.:--Letter from Madame de Sevign? to Bussy-Rabutin, August 18, 1669. At the end of 1668, Count de Saint-Paul and Count de la Feuillade had gone to succour Candia at the head of three hundred volunteers. But they returned after a very murderous sally, having lent the Venetians an assistance more brilliant than actually efficacious.

The galleys, to the number of thirteen, commanded by Vivonne, were delayed several days off the coasts of Italy, and only arrived a week after Beaufort:--Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

Letters of Saint-Andr?-Montbrun:--Manuscripts of the Imperial Library. Letters from Navailles to the King:--Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

Letter from Navailles to the King, July 5, 1669.

Letter from Delacroix to Louvois, June 22, 1669:--Archives of the Ministry of War.

The Marquis de Saint-Andr?-Montbrun, a French nobleman, had been for several years in Candia, and by his courage and talents had finished by becoming, under Morosini, the chief general of the Venetians.

The countersign was: "Louis and forward!"

Navailles, despairing of being able to save Candia, re-embarked his troops at the end of August, and set sail on the 31st; but as we are only occupied here with Beaufort, there is no need to relate the end of an expedition which the disaster of June 25 had caused to miscarry.

This was of course during the battle.

Archives of the Ministry of War, 238.

General Considerations on the Abduction of the Armenian Patriarch Avedick--Despatch of the Marquis de Ferriol to Constantinople as Ambassador--Difficulties peculiar to this Post--Incautious Conduct of some of Ferriol's Predecessors--Quiclet's Adventures--Portrait of Ferriol--His Pretensions at Constantinople--His Eccentricity of Manner--His Behaviour in Religious Matters--The Armenian Church--Short Account of its History--Ardent Desire of the Catholic Missionaries to make Converts--Their Imprudence--Ferriol at first attempts to repair it--Obstinate Resistance of Father Braconnier, a Jesuit--Encroachments and Requirements of the Jesuits.

This characteristic deed serves as a fitting prologue to the story of the not less revolting abuse of force which marked the embassy of Ferriol, who was as unscrupulous as La Haye upon the choice of means, and whose implacable animosity knew how to strike the most eminent personages as well as intriguers of low degree. In truth, every expedient appeared to him suitable to be adopted, provided that it was of a nature to aid him in the accomplishment of his designs; and his adventurous and agitated past already announced the new ambassador's line of conduct.

For this inflexibility of character, this haughtiness of conduct, and eccentricity of manners, the pomp and brilliancy of Ferriol's receptions, and his profound knowledge of the country in which he resided, were not sufficient compensation. Well informed of all the affairs of the Levant, he thoughtlessly compromised a precious experience by his impetuous decisions and utter absence of all propriety and decorum. The boldness of certain means attracted more than their illegality restrained him. Being entirely ignorant of the art of gradually smoothing down a difficulty, and, by using time as an auxiliary, of carefully managing obstacles, he blindly threw himself upon them, believing himself able to overcome them by a prompt and hazardous recourse to violence. There still remained in him much of the adventurous Candia volunteer.

Ferriol comprehended the imprudent behaviour of the Jesuits, and attempted to repair it. In 1701 he arranged a reconciliation between the principal dissenters and the chiefs of the Catholics, and succeeded in moderating the demands of the latter, and in appeasing the legitimate resentment of the former. A kind of treaty of union was drawn up, which, approved by the Grand Patriarch of Armenia, and by the Catholic archbishop, was to be submitted afterwards to the ratification of the Court of Rome, and was to regulate the future relations of the two churches. But the happy effects which would have resulted from this transaction were sacrificed by the implacable resistance which Father Braconnier, superior of the Jesuit mission in the East, opposed to it. In vain Ferriol observed to him "that they were threatened with a general persecution of the Catholics throughout the Turkish empire; that the Sultan could issue severe orders, which would give a mortal blow to the religion by reason of the little firmness which the Catholics possessed, and that a persecution ought to be avoided when this could be done without injuring religion and without offending it." To these pressing reasons, inspired by humanity and foresight, Father Braconnier replied, "that the Church had formerly suffered persecutions much more cruel; that the Armenians ought to know how to suffer; that he could not permit the Catholics to have the least communication with their schismatic brethren, and that they ought rather to expose themselves to the harshest treatment."

While submitting to their yoke, Ferriol sometimes could not prevent himself from complaining of it. "All here wish to pass for ministers," he wrote to Torcy. "They believe themselves more enlightened than the ambassadors, and the order of each is reversed. These good fathers, who ought only to go to the convict-prison and the houses of Christians established in the country, do not abstain from visiting persons of power, and from imposing upon everybody in political affairs. When an ambassador wishes to reduce them within the bounds which seem to be prescribed for them, they treat him as a man devoid of religion who sacrifices everything to his ambition." Assuredly this is the language of truth, everything proves it. But although these complaints were well founded, although the domination of the Jesuits was then real enough, we cannot feel much concern for this voluntary victim of their encroachments. Not only, indeed, did Ferriol refrain from endeavouring to throw off their heavy yoke, although it sometimes weighed on his self-esteem; but also, forgetting the character with which he was invested, and passing from a brief and honourable independence to a servile devotion, he became the executioner of the vengeance of a few missionaries with so much implacability, that in fighting their adversaries he seemed to be engaging his own personal enemies. His hatred, revived and cleverly kept up by baleful excitements, is about to docilely follow the direction indicated to it, and to strike without pity, to pursue without respite, to cause to disappear and overwhelm, a long time even after his own fall, a great Armenian personage whom it is now time to introduce in his turn into this story, and to make known to our readers.

FOOTNOTES:

Instructions given to M. de Ferriol on his departure for Constantinople:--Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Turkey, 33.

The Ca?macan is a lieutenant of the Grand Vizier who remains at Constantinople and fills his place when he follows the Sultan to Adrianople.

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